^y'j.»H>.t«.    BKIWl*— IHW   III    I  1 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


■^  IIIIM 

|S0    — 

i"  IIIIM 


I.I 


m 

m 


IM 

2.0 


1.8 


Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


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>/  "^     -""'■^  #%^ 


1.25      1.4      16 

.« 6" 

► 

23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


--, lit..  j."»;, ,)^i>TL» ■Mi,-iv^g!,i*^i;'"'.T.: I  '  '.".--:'"  .? ;'lB|y."'..W'T  ~'  'TV'""  ' 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiqucs 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  tachniques  et  bibliographiques 


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une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mdthode  normals  de  filmage 
sont  indiquds  ci-dessous. 


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Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagde 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur^e  et/ou  pellicul6e 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

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Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli6  avec  d'autres  documents 

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Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
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II  se  peut  que  cartaines  pages  blanches  ajoutdes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  filmdes. 


□    Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 


i-*ages  damaged/ 


lyX !    Pages  endommagdes 

Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pell«cul6es 


I      I    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 


□    Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  ddcolordes,  tachetdes  ou  piqu^es 


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□ 
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Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ddtach^es 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  print  varies/ 
Quality  indgale  de  I'impression 

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obtenir  la  meilleure  imagt?  possible. 


D 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl^mentaires: 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film6  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqud  ci-dessous. 


lOX 


14X 


18X 


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26X 


30X 


rr^ — ^ 


12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


I 

tails 
1  du 
odifier 
une 
mage 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Library  of  Congress 
Photoduplication  Service 

The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
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L'exemplaire  fllmd  fut  reproduit  grfice  d  la 
g6n6rositA  de: 

Library  of  Congress 
Photoduplication  Service 

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plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettetd  de  l'exemplaire  filmA,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cove^  when  appropriate.  All 
other  originci  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printad  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  lust  page  with  a  printed 
or  Illustrated  Impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ►  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED ").  or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Les  exemplalres  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprim6e  sont  filmds  en  commenpant 
par  Se  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernldre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impresslon  ou  d'lllustratlon,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplalres 
originaux  sont  film6s  en  commenpant  par  la 
premldre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impresslon  ou  d'lllustratlon  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernldre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  app^raitra  sur  la 
dernidre  Image  de  chaque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — ►signifle  "A  SUIVRE  ",  le 
symbcle  V  signifie  "FIN". 


irrata 
to 


pelure, 
n  d 


□ 


32X 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  cnctuded  In  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  In  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  Illustrate  the 
method: 


1 

2 

3 

Les  cartes,  plenches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
fllm6s  it  des  taux  de  reduction  diff^rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cSich6,  11  est  filmd  d  partir 
de  Tangle  supdrleur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'Images  n6cassalre.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
lllustrent  la  mdthode. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

'a 


THE 


OLD  SOUTH   LEAFLETS. 


SEVENTH    SERIES, 


1889. 


BOSTON : 

OLD    SOUTH    MEETING    HOUSE. 

1889. 


41>iti   ^outf)  HcarirtjSi. 


SKVENTH  SERIKS,   iHSy. 


Ni).  I. 


Verrazzano's 
Voyage. 


1524. 


CAPTAIN   JOMX    Dli   VKUkAZ/.A\()   TO    HIS   MOST   SKRENK 
MAJKS'IY,    THk'  KING    OK    KKANCIF,    WKITKS: 

Since  the  tempests  which  we  encountered  on  the  northern 
coasts,  I  have  not  written  to  your  most  Serene  and  Christian 
Majesty  concerning  the  four  ships  sent  out  by  your  orders  on 
the  ocean  to  discover  new  lands,  because  I  tiiouglit  you  must 
have  been  before  apprized  of  ail  that  had  happened  to  us — that 
we  had  been  compelled  by  the  impetuous  violence  of  the  winds 
to  put  intc  Britany  in  distress  with  only  the  two  ships  Normandy 
and  D(  Iphin  ;  and  that  after  having  repaired  these  ships,  we 
made  a  cruise  in  them,  well  armed,  along  the  coast  of  Spain, 
as  your  Majesty  must  have  heard,  and  also  of  our  new  plan  of 
continuing  our  begun  voyage  with  the  Dolphin  alone  ;  from  this 
voyage  being  now  returned,  I  proceed  to  give  your  Majesty  an 
account  of  our  discoveries. 

On  the  17th  of  last  January  we  set  sail  from  a  desolate  rock 
near  the  island  of  Madeira,  belonging  to  his  most  Serene  Ma- 
jesty, the  King  of  Portugal,  with  fifty  men,  having  provisions 
sufficient  for  eight  months,  arms  and  other  warlike  munition  and 
naval  stores.  Sailing  westward  with  a  light  and  pleasant  east- 
erly breeze,  in  twenty-five  days  we  ran  eight  hundred  leagues. 
On  the  24th  of  February  we  encountered  as  violent  a  hurricane 
as  any  ship  ever  weathered,  from  which  we  escaped  unhurt  by 
the  divine  assistance  and  goodness,  to  the  praise  of  the  glorious 
and  fortunate  name  of  our  good  ship,  that  had  been  able  to 
support  the  violent  tossing  of  the  waves.  Pursuing  our  voyage 
towards  the  West,  a  little  northwardly,  in  twenty-four  days 
more,  having  run  four  hundred  leagues,  we  reached  a  new  coun- 
try, which  had  never  before  been  seen  by  any  one,  either  in 
ancient  or  modern  times.     At  first  it  appeared  to  be  very  low, 


but  on  approaching  it  to  withi:i  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the 
shore  we  perceived,  by  the  great  fires  near  the  coast,  that  it  was 
inhabited.  We  perceived  tha.  it  siretciied  to  the  south,  and 
coasted  along  in  tiial  direction  in  search  of  some  port,  in  wiiich 
we  might  come  to  anciior,  and  examine  into  the  nature  of  the 
country,  but  for  fifty  leagues  we  could  find  none  in  which  we 
could  lie  securely.  Seeing  tiie  coast  still  stretch  to  the  south, 
we  resolved  to  change  our  course  and  stand  to  the  northward, 
and  as  \vc  still  had  the  same  dilliculty,  we  drew  in  with  the 
land  and  sent  a  boat  on  shore.  Many  people  wlio  were  seen 
coming  to  the  sea-side  fled  at  our  approach,  but  occasionally 
stopping,  they  looked  back  upon  us  with  astonishment,  and 
some  were  at  length  induced,  by  various  friendly  signs,  to  come 
to  US}.  These  showed  the  greatest  delight  on  beholding  us, 
wondering  at  our  dress,  countenances  and  complexion.  They 
then  showed  us  by  signs  where  we  could  more  conveniently 
secure  our  boat,  and  offered  us  some  of  their  provisions.  Thai 
your  Majesty  may  know  all  that  we  learned,  while  on  shore,  of 
their  manners  and  customs  of  life,  I  will  relate  what  we  saw  as 
briefly  as  possible.  They  go  entirely  naked,  except  that  about 
the  loins  they  wear  skins  of  small  animals  like  martens  fastened 
by  a  girdle  of  plaited  grass,  to  which  they  tie,  all  round  the  body, 
the  tails  of  other  animals  hanging  down  to  the  knees;  all  other 
parts  of  the  body  and  the  head  are  naked.  Some  wear  gar- 
lands similar  to  birds'  feathers. 

The  complexion  of  these  people  is  black,  not  much  different 
from  that  of  the  Ethiopians  ;  their  hair  >s  black  and  thick,  and 
not  very  long ;  it  is  worn  tied  back  upon  the  head  in  the  form  of 
a  little  tail.  In  person  they  are  of  good  proportions,  of  middle 
stature,  a  little  above  our  own,  broad  across  the  breast,  strong 
in  the  arms,  and  well  formed  in  the  legs  and  other  parts  of  the 
body  ;  the  only  exception  to  their  good  looks  is  that  they  have 
broad  faces,  but  not  all,  however,  as  we  saw  many  that  had 
sharp  ones,  with  large  black  eyes  and  a  fixed  expression.  They 
are  not  very  strong  in  body,  but  acute  in  mind,  active  and  swift 
of  foot,  as  far  as  we  could  judge  by  observation.  In  these  last 
two  particulars  they  resemble  the  people  of  the  east,  especially 
those  the  most  remote.  We  could  not  learn  a  great  many  par- 
ticulars of  their  usages  on  account  of  our  short  stay  among 
them,  and  the  distance  of  our  ship  from  the  shore. 

We  found  not  far  from  this  people  another  whose  mode  of 
life  we  judged  to  be  s'milar.  The  whole  shore  is  covered  with 
fine  sand,  abort  fifteen  feet  thick,  rising  in  the  form  of  little  hills 


jue  from  the 
i[,  that  it  was 
e    south,  and 
lort,  in  wliich 
nature  of  the 
in  which  we 
to  tlie  south. 
10  northward, 
w  in  with  the 
ho  were  seen 
t  occasionally 
liihmcnt,  and 
iigns,  to  come 
beholding  us, 
lexion.     They 
conveniently 
visions.     Thai 
;  on  shore,  of 
lat  we  saw  as 
ept  that  about 
irtens  fastened 
ound  the  body, 
ees;    all  other 
ome  wear  gar- 
much  different 
and  thick,  and 
in  the  form  of 
ions,  of  middle 
breast,  strong 
ler  parts  of  the 
that  they  have 
many  that  had 
iression.     They 
.ctive  and  swift 
In  these  last 
east,  especially 
reat  many  par- 
rt   stay   among 
e. 

whose  mode  of 
covered  with 
)rm  of  little  hills 


of  the  cnmmunity,  and  not  for  the  particular  benefit  of  tho  per- 
sons to  \vlu)ni  it  is  intrusted. 

13.  A  common  C()iUril)Ution  being  necessary  for  the  sup- 
port of  tiie  pnl)lic  force,  and  foi  defraying  the  otluT  expenses  of 
governmenl,  it  ouj^ht  to  be  divided  oipially  aninii^r  il^.  mcinbers 
of  the  coniniuiiity  according  tf)  tluMr  al)ilities. 

14.  Every  (.ilizen  lias  a  ri,t;ht,  either  by  himself  or  his  lepre- 
sentative,  to  a  free  voice  in  determining  the  necessity  of  public 
contributions,  the  appr()pri;;ti()n  of  them,  and  their  amount, 
mode  of  assessment,  and  duration. 

15.  Every  coiiimunity  has  a  right  to  demand  of  all  its 
agents  an  account  of  tiieir  conduct. 

16.  Every  cnmnuuiity  in  which  a  separation  of  powers  and 
a  security  of  rights  is  not  i^rovided  for,  wants  a  constitution. 

17.  'I'he  rigiit  to  propoily  being  inviolable  and  sacred,  no 
one  ought  to  be  di'prixed  of  it,  except  in  rases  of  evident  public 
necessity,  legally  ascertained,  and  on  condition  of  a  previous 
just  indeninity. 

When  I.af.iyeUe,  al  tlie  (lose  of  the  .American  war,  reliirneil  to  I'aris,  he 
luing  in  a  handsoini'  frame  upon  one  of  the  walls  of  his  lionse  a  copy  of  the 
Declaration  of  liuiupentli-nce,  leavinig  the  corresponding  space  on  the  (jpposile 
wall  vacant.  "  What  do  yon  design  to  place  here.'  "  asked  one  ot  his 
friends.      "The  Declaration  of  kif^hls  for  I'rance,"  was  his  reply. 

\o  man  was  more  inlhienti.d  in  the  earlv  months  of  the  Krench  Revolu- 
tion than  Lafayette.  Ilis  intimate  re'ation  with  the  American  republic,  to 
which  the  liberals  m  !'"rance  were  looking  as  an  actual  realization  of  their 
dreams,  was  one  great  source  of  tnat  iiilluence.  When  Lafayette  entered  the 
.Assembly  of  the  Stales  (leneral  in  the  summer  of  17X9.  the  hitherto  unknown 
dignity  of  vice-president  was  cieatetl  expressly  to  bestow  it  upon  him.  It 
was  on  the  llth  of  July,  rjSy,  that  he  p'ojiosed  in  the  .Assembly  that  a  dec- 
larati  )n  of  the  rii;/i/s  of  ntiiii  should  be  issued,  on  the  American  model.  A 
long  debate  with  much  dissension  followed,  and  there  were  many  amend- 
ments ;  and  it  was  not  until  the  37th  of  August  that  the  famous  Dechtialioii 
of  ihe  Kii^lits  of  Man,  in  the  form  in  which  it  is  known  to  history,  was  6om- 
pleted.  It  was  prepar.ilory  t(j  the  work  of  forming  the  new  constitution. 
'  Von  Sybel  devotes  a  special  chapter  to  it  in  his  History  of'///,-  /■'yciuli  KtTo- 
lu'ioii,  and  the  student  can  consult  the  other  histories  and  the  lives  of  Lafay- 
ette   

"  I  date  the  Krench  Revolution,"  said  the  publicist  Cerutti,  "  from  the 
moment  when  .M.  de  Lafayet'e  in  heroic  flight  rushed  forth  from  our 
ports  and,  in  a  way,  opened  to  the  young  soldiers  of  I'rance  the  school 
of  American  liberty.  It  was  there,  as  Nir.  Jet'ferson  has  very  well  said,  that 
our  great  battles  were  fought.  In  favoring  the  freedom  of  the  thirteen 
United  States,  we  have  prepared  om-  own.  The  valiant  hands  that  served  to 
break  a  tyrannic  chain  were  not  made  to  bear  one  a  long  time  themselves." 

Even  before  the  eventful  night  of  the  4th  of  .August,  the  Assembly  had 
taken  under  consideration  a  Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man  which  was  to 


preface  tlii;ir  Constltiitioii.  I.afavetti' w.w  iu  lu  idiiii;  advocate  ;  those  who 
h.id  sLTvod  ill  Amiiiri  wltc,  almost  wilhoiit  oxcipliipii,  in  favor  nf  it,  and 
the  idea  itscll  WIS  i^ciiLially  h)ol<fd  upon  as  ol'  Anii'iiran  origin.  Sorne  of 
I'W  iiieinl)cr>  iir^  <l  its  ad<i|)tioii  huforu  thr  draft  ol  thr  ( 'onstitiiliou ;  others 
thought  ihi;  I  )eclaraiioii  should  iiol  he  issiiiil  until  .ift.M  the  Constitution  had 
been  ( oiiipk  t<'il. 

"  I  hen  you  to  iclluct,"  said  Tollciidal,  "  how  uiiorinous  is  the  diffpreiice 
hetweeii  an  inlaiit  people  which  has  just  liuiii  aiiiioiiueed  to  the  woild,  a 
colonial  people,  ihal  hashrokun  the  bonds  of  a  distant  ^joveruinent,  and  an 
aiiiient  and  nii};hly  leading;  people  that  fourteen  hundred  years  ■^j^n  gave 
itself  a  form  ot  ^overumenl  and  which  since  el^ht  centuries  ohavs  the  same 
dvnisiii  linel"  The  Archbishop  of  liordeaux  sujiported  l.afavette.  "This 
noble  iilea,"  said  he,  "  conceived  in  another  heinlspheie,  necessarilv  and  by 
preference  c.iuie  over  to  us.  We  have  taken  part  in  the  events  that  have 
given  North  Anijrica  its  libertv,  and  North  America  shows  us  upoi\  what 
principles  we  must  insist  in  order  to  preserve  our  own." 

Count  Malhien  de  Montininency,  who  h. id  fought  for  the  libertv  of  the 
United  Stales,  de^netl,  first  of  all,  a  I  )eclaraliin  like  Iheoneof  I'hil.idelphia. 
"  It  is  important  to  declare  the  rights  of  inin  before  the  constitution,  because 
the  conslitnlion  is  n othiiif;  but  the  sei|uence,  ihe  end  of  this  Declaration. 
Tlii.s  is  a  truth  whicii  the  e.v.imple  of  .Vmeric  a  has  rendered  very  ])lain.  .  . 
The  United  Slates  h.ive  ).;iveii  a  great  example  to  the  new  hemisphere.  Let 
US  give  It  to  the  universe!" 

.Maloiiet  thoUfiht  that  the  oft-cited  eximple  of  Airi'.'rica  was  not 
pertinent  and  could  not  be  followed  In  P'rance.  .Vnierica,  he  ar.nned,  is  a 
new  countrv.  I'roprieiors  there  are  not  oiilv  e  pi  il  before  the  law,  but  little 
given  to  Inxurv,  Ignorant  of  the  exiremvs  of  poverty,  ll<4htlv  t.ixed,  free  from 
prejudice,  and  possessors  of  land  without  a  trace  of  leudalilv.  Such  men 
were  made  tor  a  democracy,  for  declarations  of  rights  such  as  you  propo.se 
them.     We  are  not. 

Mir.ibeau  was  against  making  the  Declaration  too  abstract  and  nieta- 
|)liyslcal.  Speak  inevery-dav  language,  he  counseled,  ni.ikeyour  Declaration 
plain.  "  Thus  ti,ie  Americans  have  m  ide  their  I  )eclarallons  of  Riirlits.  They 
purposelv  set  aside  all  sclentilic  verbi.ige.  I'hey  presente  I  the  truths  which 
it  was  their  jiurpose  to  lix.  In  a  f.nni  th.il  could  be  ciisllv  grasped  bv  the 
people,  whom  alone  liberty  regards  and  who  alone  can  niilntaiii  it." 

Kabaut  de  Saint  luieniie,  a  correspond'-nt  of  |elferson  and  one  of  the 
f.ecjuenters  of  his  house,  pronomiced  himscilf  in  favor  of  the  Declaration, 
though  with  certain  reservations.  "  The  circumstatiees  of  l''rance  and 
Aineric.i  are  dilferent.  .\merica  broke  with  a  (llslant  metropolis,  .\merica 
was  a  new  country  that  destroyed  all  in  order  to  renew  all.  .And  yet  there 
is  a  point  of  resemblance  between  lis.  Like  the  Americans  we  wish  tn 
regenerate." 

Lacretelle  says  in  his  "  llistoire  de  P.^ssemblee  Consdtuante,"  ''  nat 
while  mist  of  the  generals  and  oliieers  who  had  taken  part  in  the  Ai',erican 
war  followed  the  t.-xainple  ot  \Ir.  de  Lafavelle,  the  .\l.ir(|uis  de  I'oaille  was 
eager  onlv  to  deliver  the  king  frcni,  the  voke  of  the  Revolution."  Il  was  an 
exception  therefore  for  a  French  Cincinnatus  at  that  time  to  oppose  the 
liberal  tendencies  of  the  epo  h. 

"  The  gre.ilest  part  of  the  gentlemen  democrats  who  abandoned  their 
order  in  i7iS9,  who  joined  the  ("onimons,  who  proposed  the  Declaration  of 
Rights,  who  directed  the  revolution  against  the  aiiricii  r,'i;;iiiu-  ....  had 
made  their  revoluti(mary  studies  in  the  United  States."  These  are  the 
words  of  Soiilavie. — From  Rosenthal's  Ameiim  ,uid  /■'liiiice. 


/ 


;iitc  ;  those  who 
favor  (if  it,  ami 
linin.     Some  of 

tillllinll;    otllflS 

Jiinstitiitioii  hail 

Ih  the  difference 
(o  the  World,  a 
rniiieiil,  and  an 
years  a^o  gave 
ihdvs  the  same 
fayette.  "This 
:i'ssarilv  and  by 
■vents  that  have 
i  us  ii|)oii   what 

le  liberty  of  the 
111  I'hiladelpliia. 
itntioii,  because 
his  Deelaratioii. 
d  very  ])lain.  .  . 
:nu.spliere.     Let 

lerica  was  not 
he  arf^iiod,  is  a 
e  law,  but  little 
:axed,  free  from 
ity.  Such  men 
as  you  propose 

tract  and  meta- 
oiir  I  lechuation 
i  R'^\htn.  They 
he  trullis  which 
grasped  bv  the 
iiu  it." 

and  one  of  the 
he  Declaration, 
if  I'rance  and 
polls,  .\merica 
.And  yet  there 
\ns   we  wish   tr> 

ituante,"  ''  nat 
n  the  Ai-,ericaM 

(le  lio.iilli'  was 
■n."     It  was  an 

to  opi)ose  the 

ibandoned  their 

Declaration  of 

'i/il-    ....   had 

These   are    the 


INTRODUCTION. 


/ 


Till'.  Ol.i)  .SoiTTII  I.K.M-i.KTS  arc  prepared  primarily  for  circulation 
amoiiK  the  attendants  upon  the  Old  South  Lectures  for  Young  I'eople.  The 
subjects  of  the  Leaflets  are  immediately  rcl.ited  to  the  subjects  of  the  lectures, 
and  they  arc  intended  to  supplement  the  lectures  and  stimulate  historical 
interest  and  in(|uiry  amonjj;  the  young  people.  They  are  made  up,  for  the 
most  part,  from  original  papers  of  the  periods  treated  in  the  lectures,  in  the 
hope  to  make  the  men  and  the  public  life  of  the  periods  more  clear  and  real. 

The  Old  South  Lectures  for  Young  I'eople  were  instituted  in  the  sum- 
mer of  i,S.S3,  .IS  a  means  of  promoting  a  more  serious  and  intelligent  atten- 
tion to  historical  studies,  especially  studies  in  American  history,  among  the 
young  people  of  Moston.  The  success  of  the  lectures  h.as  been  so  great  .is 
to  warrant  the  hope  that  such  courses  may  be  permanently  sustained  in 
Boston  and  established  with  equal  success  in  other  cities  of  the  count 

The  Old  South  Lectures  for  1.S83,  intended  to  be  strictly  upon  subjects 
in  early  Massachusetts  History,  but  by  certain  necessities  .somewhat  mod- 
ified, were  as  follows;  "  (Jovernor  Hra<lford  and  Covernor  Winthrop," 
by  KinviN  1).  Me,\d.  "  I'lymouth,"  by  Mrs.  A.  M.  Di.az.  "Concord," 
by  Frank  H.  Saniiorn.  "The  Town- Meeting,"  by  I'rok.  Jamks  K. 
HosMKR.  "  Kranklin,  the  Hoston  Hoy,"  by  Okdrck  M.  Tovvi.k.  "How 
to  Study  American  History,"  by  I'rok.  (1.  Siani.kv  Hai.i..  "The  \'car 
•777."  l>y  John  FisKK.  "History  in  the  Boston  Streets,"  by  Kdward 
EVEKKTT  Hai.e.  The  Leafl<''  .  .)repared  in  connection  with  these  lectures 
consisted  of  (i)  Cotton  Mathei's  account  of  Covernor  Br.adford,  from  the 
"  .Magnalia;  "  (2)  the  account  of  the  arrival  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Cape  Cod, 
from  Bradford's  Journal ;  (3)  an  e.xtract  from  Kmerson's  Concord  Address 
'"  ''*^35!  (4)  f-'xtracts  from  Kmerson,  Sanuiel  Adaiis,  De  Toc(|ueville  and 
others,  upon  the  Town- Meeting;  (5)  a  portion  of  Franklin's  Autobiography  ; 
(6)  Carlyle  on  the  Study  of  History;  (7)  an  extract  from  tlharles  Sumner's 
oration  upon  Lafayette,  etc.  ;   (8)  Kmerson's  poem,  "  Boston." 

The  lectures  for  1.SS4  were  devoted  to  men  representative  of  certa'" 
epochs  or  ideas  in  the  history  of  Boston,  .is  follows:  "  Sir  Harry  Vane,  i». 
New  England  and  in  Old  England,"  by  Ebward  Everett  Hale,  Jr. 
"John  Harvard,  and  the  Founding  of  Harvard  College,"  by  Edward 
Channing,  Ph.D.  "  The  Mather  E'amily,  and  the  (Jld  Boston  Ministers," 
by  Rev.  Samuel  J.  Barro\v.s.     "Simon  Bradstreet,  and  the  Struggle  for 


till'  Charttr,"  l)v  Vkhv.  Marsiiam,  S.  Snow.  "  Samiii'l  Adanin,  and  the 
llrniiiiiiiin  (it  llic  kivolutioii,"  l>y  I'Koi-.  J\Ml:s  K.  IIdsmtk.  "  Jnsiah 
(Jiiiiuv,  the  (Irt'at  Muyor,"  by  Ciiahi.ks  W.  S;,\ik.  "  Panicl  Webster, 
tliij  hcfeiulir  n|'  ihf  (oiisliliition,"  by  CiiakI.I-s  (_'.  CuKllN.  "John  A. 
Anihe«,  llic  (iriat  War  ( ;ov<rii()r,"  by  Cnl,.  I'.  W.  IlKictNsoN.  The 
I.eallets  prepared  in  cimneition  with  the  second  i onrse  were  as  follnv  s  : 
|l)  Selections  from  Forster's  essav  on  \'ane,  ete.  ;  (;;)  an  extrael  from 
Cotton  Mather's  "Sal  (lentinni;"  (])  Increase  Mather's  "Narrative  of 
the  Miseries  of  \ew  iMi^iand  ;  "  (4)  an  original  account  ol'  "  'I'he  Kevohition 
in  New  Ijigland  "  in  i(kS();  (5)  a  letter  Iroin  Sanine!  Adams  to  John  Adams, 
on  Kepulilican  (iovernmenl;  (6)  extracts  Ironi  Josiah  (Jnincy's  lioston 
Address  of  iS  50 ;  (7)  Words  of  Webster  ;  (S)  i  portion  of  ( iovernor  Andrew's 
Address  to  the  Massac iiusetts  I.ej;islatnrc  in  January,  1S61. 

The  lectures  for  i.SS^  were  upon  "  The  War  for  the  I'nion,"  as  follows  : 
"Slavery,"  by  Wll.l.lAM  I  l.oYD  (;akkIS()N,  Jk.  "The  l''all  ol  Sumter," 
by  Cot,.  '!'.  W.  MicciNsoN.  "The  Monitor  and  the  Merriniac,"  by 
ClIARl.K.s  C.  t'ltri'lN.  "The  battle  of  (icttysluir^,"  by  t'ol..  TllKoDoKF, 
A.  I)i)I)(;k.  "  Sherman's  March  to  the  Sea,"  by  (Ikn.  Wll.l.lAM  Cociswki.l. 
"The  Saniiary  Commission,"  by  Mks.  Makv  A.  Livkkmiirk.  "Abraham 
Lincoln,"  liy  Hon.  John  I).  I.onc.  "(leneral  (irant,"  by  i'iiari.ks  C. 
t'oKKIN.  The  I.eadets  accompanviii(.;  these  lectures  were  as  follows;  (1) 
Lowell's  "  Present  Crisis,"  and  Harrison's  Salutatory  in  the  l.ilicintor  of 
January  i,  1S51  ;  (j)  e.\tracl  from  llenrv  Ward  lleecher's  oration  at  I'ort 
Sumter  in  ICS65;  (^)  contemporary  newspaper  accounts  of  the  ennaf.;(;ment 
between  tlie  Monitor  and  tin  .Merrimac;  (.))  e.\lract  from  I'.dward  Lverett's 
address  at  llie  consecration  of  the  National  (  emelery  at  (iettysburn,  with 
{'resident  Lincoln's  addre.s.s  ;  (5)  e.xtract  from  (leneral  Slierinan's  account 
of  the  March  to  the  Sea,  in  his  Memoirs;  (6)  Lowell's  "  Con\memoration 
Ode;"  (7)  exlr;ict  from  Lincoln's  Kirst  lnaunur;d  .\ddress,  the  Lmanci- 
pation  I'roclamation,  and  the  Second  Inau^ur.d  Address  ;  (S)  accouni  of 
tlie  service  in  memory  of  (leneral  ( Irant,  in  Westminster  Al)bey,  with  Arch- 
deacon h'arrar's  address. 

The  lectures  for  1.SS6  were  upon  "  The  War  >r  Independence,"  as 
follows:  "Samuel  Adams  and  Patrick  Henry,"  by  LipWIN  D.  Mkad. 
"  bunker  Hill,  and  the  News  in  lOngland,"  by  John  Fiskk.  "The  Declar- 
ation of  Independence,"  by  JAMKS  M A<:.\i.isiKl<.  "  The  Times  that  Tried 
Men's  Souls,"  by  AljiKur  li.  Hart,  Cll.l).  "  Lafayette,  and  Help  from 
France,"  by  Prok.  Marshai.i.  S.  Snow.  "The  Women  of  the  Revolu- 
tion," by  Mrs.  Mary  .X.  Livkrmork.  "  Wa-shington  and  his  (lenerals," 
bv  CilloRdK  M.  Towi.i;.  "The  Lessons  of  tlie  Revolution  for  these 
-iines,"  by  Rkv.  Hrookk  Hkrkord.  The  Leaflets  were  us  fo]low.s:  (1) 
Words  of  Patrick  Henry;  (2)  Lord  Chatham's  Speech,  urging  the  removal 
of  the  liritish  troops  from  Hoston  j  (3)  cvlract  from  Webster's  oration  on 
Adams  and  Jefferson;  (4)  Thomas  Panic's  "Crisis,"  No.  i;  (5)  extract 
from  Ldward  lOverett's  eulogy  on  Lafayette;  (C)  selections  from  the  Letters 


5 


•1  AdaniN,  and  the 
IIdsmkk.  "Jiisiah 
"  Daniel  Wclwter, 
PI  1  IN.  "  John  A. 
IIk.cinsiin.  The 
3  were  as  follov  a  : 
)  an  extrait  from 
jr's  "  Narrative  of 
if  "  'I'he  KevDlution 
II1K  til  jiilin  AdaiiiH, 
1  Qiiiiuy's  i!(istiin 
lovernor  Andrew's 

L'nioM,"  as  fiillows  : 
:  Kail  (if  Sumter," 
he  iMerriinac,"  by 
V  Col..  TllKiiDDKE 
ll.l  lA.M  fod.SWKI.L. 

.iiiKK.     ".Miiahain 

"  liy  V  IIAKl.K.S  C. 
re  as  follnws  :  (l) 
n  the  /.ilviiilor  of 
r's  orallon  at  Kort 
>f  the  eiina^;eiiient 
I'.dward  Kverett's 
t  (lettysbnrn,  with 
Sherman's  account 

"  ('(immeinoration 
Ircss,  the  I'!mani:i- 
ss  ;    (S)  afcoiml   of 

.'Xbhey,  with   Arch- 

Iiidepeiulence,"  as 
KnwiN  I).  Mkai). 
iK.  "  The  Declar- 
3  Times  that  Tried 
te,  and  IIel|)  trom 
lun  of  tlie  Revolu- 
ai.d  his  (ienerals," 
I'ohition  for  these 
ere  us  follows :  (l) 
urging  the  removal 
'ebster's  oration  on 
No.  I  ;  (5)  extract 
ns  from  the  Ixtters 


of  Abigail    Adams;   (7)   I.owpH'm  "  I'ndrr  the  <  )hl  V.\m  ;  "   (S)  cxlrai  I  from 
Wliipiile'N  ess.iv  on  "  Washingtim  and  ilie  rriiKi|iles  of  the  Kevnlulinii." 

The  course  for  the  summer  of  1.S.S7  was  upon  "  The  lllitli  of  the 
Nation,"  as  follows  :  "  lltiw  the  Men  of  the  Knglish  ( 'ommonwealth  Planned 
Constitutious,"  by  I'ROK.  J\Mi:.S  K.  IlosMKK.  "  I  low  the  .\nicrii  an  Colo- 
nies (Jrew  'I'ogelher,"  by  JmiN  (''iskk.  "The  (  iinfiislon  aflii  III"  Kcvolu- 
tion,"  by  Davis  K.  Diavkv,  I'ii.D.  "The  Convention  and  tin  (  oiistiln- 
tiim,"  l)v  Hon.  John  D.  Lunc  "James  Madison  and  his  Jniirnal,"  by 
I'RuK.  K.  I!.  Andkiavs.  "  How  ratrlik  lleiirv  Opposed  the  < 'mistitntion," 
by  IIkNKV  I,.  Siitn  IIWICK.  ".Mexaniler  llamillun  and  the  /■,,/,  1,1/ist." 
"Washington's  I'arl  an  I  the  Nation's  Kirst  \'ears,"  by  Kuwakh  Kvkkiii 
IIai.K.  The  Leaflets  prepare'l  for  these  lectures  were  as  follows:  (11 
Kxtract  from  I'ldward  isverett  Hale's  lecture  on  "  I'uritan  I'olitics  in 
I'.ngland  and  New  Kngland ;  "  (:;)  "'I'he  I'jiglish  Colonies  in  America," 
extract  from  De  'I'ocipieville's  "Democracy  in  America;"  (  5I  W.ish- 
ingtiin's  Circular  Leitcr  to  the  (Tovernors  of  the  States,  mi  Disbiiiiding 
the  .\rniy;  (.\)  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States;  (j)  "The  l.ast  Day 
of  the  Constitutional  ('(invention,"  from  Madison's  J.iiirniil  ;  (6)  I'atrick 
Henry's  First  Speech  against  the  Constitntioti,  in  the  Virginia  Convention; 
(7)  The  I'ederalist,  \o.  I\;   (S)  Washingion's  First  Inaugural  Address, 

The  course  for  the  summer  of  iSSS  had  the  general  lille  of  "The  .Story 
of  the  ("enturies,"  the  several  lectures  luiiig  a  foP  ws  :  "  The  <  Ireal  Schools 
after  the  Dark  Ages,"  by  liPIIRAl.M  I^MKRION,  F'rofessor  of  HiE.;ory  in 
Harvard  University.  "Richard  the  l,ion-IIe;irted  and  the  Crusades,"  bv 
Miss  Nina  Mookk,  author  of  "  rilgrims  and  l'urit;ins."  "The  World 
which  Dante  knew,"  by  Sn\iri'iK  O.  IIahiwki.I.,  Old  South  lirsl-pri/e 
essayist,  iSS;,,  "The  .Morning-Star  of  the  Keforniation,"  b\  KiA.  I'llll.ll' 
S.  M(JX()M.  "Copernicus  and  Columbus,  or  tlie  New  Heaven  and  the 
New  F.arth,"  by  rRol'.  I'.dvvarii  S.  Mousk.  "The  People  for  whom 
Shakespeare  wrote,"  by  CHARLt;s  DliDI.KV  Waknku.  "The  Puritans  and 
the  I'.nglish  Revolution,"  by  Ciiari.ks  H.  I.KVKKMoI'.K,  Professor  a'.  tory 

in   the    .Massaihnsells   Institute  of    Technolou'V.      "Lafayette  and  the  Two 
Revolutions  which  he  saw,"  by  (Ikokci'.  Makki'I-ACF,  Towi.k. 

The  Old  South  Lectures  are  devoted  primarily  to  American  history, 
'iut  this  object  is  liberally  construed,  and  a  constant  aim  is  to  iniiiress  upon 
the  young  people  the  relations  of  our  own  Idslory  to  ICnglish  and  j^eiieral 
Kurojiean  history,  and  our  indebtedness  to  the  long  past.  It  was  hoped  that 
the  gl.ince  at  some  striking  chapters  in  the  history  of  the  last  eight  centuries 
afforded  by  these  lectures  would  be  ;i  good  preparation  for  the  great  anniver- 
saries of  lSS(^  and  give  the  young  people  a  truer  feeling  of  the  continuity  of  his- 
tory. In  connection  with  the  lectures,  tlie  young  people  W'.;r(.-  retpiesled  to  fix 
in  mind  the  following  dates,  observing  that  in  most  instances  the  date  conies 
about  a  decade  before  the  close  of  the  century.  An  effort  was  mad;  in 
the  LeaHels  for  the  year  to  make  dales,  which  are  so  often  dull  and  useless 
to  young  peojile,  interesting,  significant,  and  useful. —  nth  Century:    Lan- 


franc,  the  great  iiiedixval  scholar,  who  stucUcl  law  at  Hologna  was  prior 
of  the  monast-iry  ot  lice,  the  most  famous  school  in  Franc  in  the  nth 
century,  and  archlMshop  of  Canterbury  under  William  the  Lon(iueror,  died, 
1089.  12th  Cent.;  Richard  I  crowned,  1189.  13th  Cent.:  Dante  at  the 
battle  of  Canipaldino,  the  final  overthrow  of  the  (Jhibellines  in  Italy,  1289. 
14th  Cent.:  Wyclif  died,  1384.  15th  Cent.:  America  discovered,  1492. 
'6th  Cent.  :  Spanii-'h  Armada,  1588.  17th  Cent. :  William  of  Orange  lands 
in  Kngland,  1688.  iSth  Cent.  :  Washington  inaugurated,  and  the  liastije 
fell,  1789.  The  Old  South  1-enflets  for  1S8S.  corresponding  with  the  several 
lectures,  were  as  follows  :  (i)  "The  Karly  History  of  Oxford,"  from  C.reen's 
llistorv  of  Ihe  Eiii^tish  People;  (2)  "Richard  Canir  dc  Lion  and  the  Third 
Crusade,"  from  the  C/ironhh'  of  Geoffrey  de  Vinsauf ;  (3)  "The  Univer- 
sal Kminre,"  pas.sages  from  Dante's  /V  Monarchia;  (4)  "  The  Sermon  on 
the  Mount,"  Wyclif's  translation;  (5)  "Copernicus  and  the  Ancient 
Astronomers,"  from  Mumboldt'.s  Cosmos;  (6)  "The  Defeat  of  the  Span- 
ish Armada,"  from  Camdeii's  Annuls;  (7)  "The  lUll  of  Rights,"  1689; 
(0)  "The  Kve  of  the  French  Revolution,"  from  Carlvle.  The  selections 
are  accom|)anied  by  very  full  historical  and  bibliographical  notes,  and  it  is 
ho|)ed  that  the  series  will  i)rove  of  much  service  to  students  and  teachers 
engaged  in  the  general  survey  of  modern  history. 

Tlie  year  1SS9  being  the  centennial  both  of  the  beginnhig  of  our  own 
Federal  Government  and  of  the  French  Revolution,  the  lectures  for  th< 
year,  under  the  general  title  of  "  America  and  France,"  were  devoted  en- 
tirely to  subjects  in  which  the  history  of  America  is  related  to  that  of 
France,  as  follows:  "  Champlain,  the  Founder  of  (^)uebec,"  by  Charlks 
C.  CoKi'lN.  "  I,a  Salle  and  the  French  in  the  (Ireat  West,"  by  Rev. 
W.  E.  Grifkis.  "  The  Jesuit  Missionaries  in  America,"  by  I'ROF.  J.\MES 
K.  HosMKR.  "Wolfe  and  Montcalm:  the  Struggle  of  Kngland  and 
France  for  the  Continent,"  by  John  Fiskk.  "  Franklin  in  France," 
by  (Jl-ORGK  M.  Towi.E.  "  The  Friendship  of  Washington  and  Lafayette," 
by  .Mrs.  .Ahha  Gooi.n  Wool. son.  " 'I'homas  Jefferson  and  the  Louisiana 
l^irchase,"  by  RoDF.RT  Mcirss  Lovf.it,  Old  South  prize  essa'ist,  1888. 
"  The  Year  1789,"  by  Rf.v.  Edward  Kvkrett  Hale.  The  Leaflets  for 
the  year  were  as  follows  :  (i)  Verraxzano's  Accou:i;  of  his  Voyage  to  Amer- 
ica ;  (2)  Marquette's  Account  of  his  Discovery  of  the  Mississippi ;  (3)  Mr. 
Parkman's  Histories;  (4)  The  Cajiture  of  (,)uebec,  from  Turkman's  "  Con- 
spiracy of  Tontiar;"  (5)  Selections  from  Franklin's  Letters  from  France; 
(6)  Letters  of  Washington  antl  Lafayette;  (7)  The  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence; (8)  The  French  Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man,  1789. 

The  lectures  fo.  the  summer  of  1890  were  on  "  The  American  Indians," 
as  follows:  "The  Mound  builders,"  by  ProF.  GkoRi.e  II.  1'erkins;  "The 
Indians  whom  our  Fathers  F"ouud,"  by  Gkn.  II.  H.  Carrinc.ton  ;  "John 
Eliot  and  his  Indian  Bible,"  by  Rf.v.  Edward  G.  Porter;  "  King  Philip's 
War,"  by  Miss  Caroline  C.  Stf.cker,  Old  South  prize  essayist,  18S9; 
"The   Conspiracy   of    Pontiac,"  by  Ciiari.es   A.  E-.stman,  M.I).,  of  the 


Holopna   was  prior 
'raiiC'    in  the   i  ith 
e  Coiu|ueror,  died, 
nt.  :    Dante  at  the 
ines  in   It:ily,  1289. 
discovLied,   1492. 
11  of   Orange  lands 
:d,  and  the  Bastile 
ng  with  the  several 
or(i,"froni  (Ireen's 
Jon  and  the  Third 
(3)  "'l"he  Univer- 
"  The   Sermon  on 
and    the    Ancient 
efeat  of  the   Span- 
of  Kights,"  1689; 
■le.      I'he  selections 
ical  notes,  and  it  is 
idents  and  teachers 

ginning  of  our  own 
he   lectures   for  thi; 
"  were  devoted  en- 
related   to  that  of 
ebec,"  by  fiiARLKS 
at  West,"  by   KeV. 
I,"  by  Prof.  Jamk 
e   of   Kngland    and 
nklin    in     France," 
[ton  and  Lafayette," 
and  the  Louisiana 
)rize   essa-'ist,  18SS. 
The  Leaflets  for 
lis  Voyage  to  Anier- 
lississii)pi;    (3)   Mr. 
a  I'arkman's  "  t'on- 
jtters  from  France; 
)eclarati(in   of  Inde- 
f  Man,  1789. 
American  Indians," 
11.  I'ERKINS;  "  The 
\RRlNi'.ToN  ;  "  John 
iKR;  "  King  I'hilip's 
)rize    essayist,  18S9; 
MAN,   M.l).,  of  the 


Siou.x  nation  ;  "A  Century  of  Dishonor,  "by  Hk.RIif.rt  Wki.sii;  "Among 
the  Zunis,"  by  J.  Wai.tf.r  Fewkes,  Ph.D.  ;  "The  Indian  at  School,"  by 
Gen.  .S.  C.  Armsi-ronc.  The  Leaflets  were  as  follows:  (i)  Extract  from 
address  by  William  Henry  Harrison  on  the  Mound  Builders  of  the  Ohio 
Valley  ;  (2)  Kxtract  from  Morton's  "  .N'ew  I'^nglish  Canaan  "  on  the  Manners 
and  Customs  of  the  Indians  ;  (3)  John  Eliot's  "  Brief  Narrative  of  the  Prog- 
ress of  the  (iospel  among  the  Indians  of  New  England,"  1670;  (4)  Extract 
from  Hubbard's  "Narrative  of  the  Troubles  with  the  Indians"  (1677)  on 
the  Beginning  of  King  Philiji's  War;  (5)  The  Speech  of  Pontiac  at  the 
Council  at  the  River  Ecorces,  from  I'arkman's  "  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac  ;  " 
(6)  Extract  from  Black  Hawk's  autobiography,  on  the  Cause  of  the  Black 
Hawk  War;  (7)  Coronado's  Letter  to  Afendoza  (1540)  on  his  Explorations 
in  New  Mexico;  (8)  Elcazar  Wheelock's  Narrative  (1762)  of  the  Kise  and 
Progress  of  the  Indian  School  at  Lebanon,  Conn. 

The  lectures  for  1891,  under  the  general  title  of  "  The  New  Birth  of  the 
World,"  were  devoted  to  the  important  movements  in  the  age  preceding 
the  discovery  of  America,  the  several  lectures  I)eing  as  follows:  "The 
Results  of  the  Crusades,"  by  F.  E.  E.  Hamilton,  Old  South  prize  essay- 
ist, 1883;  "  The  Revival  of  Learning,"  by  Prof.  Ai.hkrt  B.  Hart;  "The 
Builders  of  the  Cathedrals,"  by  Prof.  Marsiiai.i.  S.  Snow  ;  "  The  Changes 
which  Crunpowder  made,"  by  Frank  A.  Hli.i. ;  "The  Decline  of  the  Barons," 
by  Wa.LiAM  Everett;  "The  Invention  of  Printing,"  by  Rf.v.  Edward  (J. 
Porter;  "When  Michael  Angelo  was  a  Boy,"  by  Hamlin  Garland; 
"The  Discovery  of  America,"  by  Rev.  E.  K.  Hale.  The  Leaflets  were  as 
follows;  (i)"The  Capture  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Crusaders,"  from  the 
Chronicle  of  William  of  Malmesbury  ;  (2)  Extract  from  More's  "  Utopia;" 
(3)  "  The  P'ounding  of  Westminster  Abbey,"  from  Dean  Stanley's  "  Historical 
Memorials  of  Westminster  Abbey;  "  (4)  "The  Siege  of  Constantinople," 
from  Gibbon's  "Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  I'.mpire;"  ;;^  "Simon 
de  Montfort,"  .sf  lections  fron.  Chronicles  of  the  time;  (6)  "  Caxton  at 
Westminster,"  extract  from  Blades's  Life  of  ^Villiam  Caxton;  (7)  "The 
Youth  of  Michael  Angelo,"  from  Vasari's  "  Lives  of  the  Italian  Painters;  " 
(8)  "The  Discovery  of  America,"  from  Ferd>'"and  Columbus's  life  of  his 
father. 

The  Leaflets  for  1883  are  now  mostly  out  of  print.  Tho.se  for  1884  and 
subsequent  years,  bound  in  flexible  cloth  or  paper  covers,  may  be  ))rocured 


The  Old  South  Leaflets,  which  have  been  publis'ned,  during  the  last  eight 
years,  in  connection  with  these  annual  courses  of  historical  lectures  at  the 
Old  South  Meeting  House,  have  attracted  so  much  attention  and  proved  of 
so  much  service,  that  the  Directors  have  entered  upon  the  publication  of  a 
general  sanies  of  Leaflets,  with  the  needs  of  schools,  colleges,  private  clubs 
and  classes  especially  in  mind.  The  Leaflets  are  prepared  by  Mr.  Edwin  D. 
Mead.  They  are  1  'rgely  reproductions  of  important  original  papers,  accom- 
panied by  useful  historical  ami  bibliographical  notes.     They  consist,  on  an 


8 

average,  of  sixteen  pages,  and  are  sold  at  the  low  price  of  five  cents  a 
copy  or  thrt'e  dollars  per  liMndrcd.  The  aim  is  to  bring  Ihcin  within  ersy 
reach  of  everybody.  Schools  and  the  trade  will  be  supplied  by  M;ssrs. 
D.  C.  Heath  &  Co.  The  Old  South  work  is  a  work  for  the  ednjation  of 
the  people,  and  especially  the  education  of  our  young  people,  in  American 
history  and  politics,  and  its  promoters  believe  that  few  things  can  contribute 
better  to  this  end  than  the  wide  circulation  of  such  leaflets  as  those  now 
undertaken.  It  is  hoped  that  |)rofessor.i  in  our  colleges  and  teachers  every- 
where will  welcome  them  for  use  in  their  classes,  and  that  they  may  meet 
the  needs  of  the  societies  of  young  men  and  women  now  happily  be-ng 
organized  in  so  many  |)laces  for  historical  and  political  studies.  .Some  idea 
of  the  characti.'r  of  this  i,v>u->ii/  >/;rirs  of  Old  South  Leaflets  may  be  gained 
from  the  following  list  of  the  subjects  of  the  first  twenty-eight  numbers, 
which  are  now  ready  : 

Xo.  1.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  2.  The  Articles  of 
Confederation.  3.  The  Declaration  of  In(le])en(lence.  4.  Washington's 
Farewell  .Address.  5.  Magna  Charta.  6.  Vane's  "  Healing  (Question." 
7.  l^hartcr  of  Massachusetts  Hay,  1629.  8.  Fundamental  Orders  of  Con- 
necticut, i6jS.  9.  Franklin's  I'lan  of  Union,  1754.  10.  Washington's 
Inaugurals.  11.  Lincoln's  Inaugurals  and  Kmancipation  Proclamation. 
12.  The  Federalist,  N'os.  i  and  2.  13.  The  Ordinance  of  17S7.  14.  The 
Constitution  of  Ohio.*  15.  Washington's  Circular  Letter  to  the  Govern- 
ors of  the  Slates,  17S3.  16.  Washington's  Letter  to  Benjamin  Harrison, 
17CS4.  17.  Verrazzano's  Voyage,  1524.  18.  The  Constitution  of  Swit- 
zerland.* 19.  The  Hill  of  Rights,  16S9.  20.  Coronado's  Letter  to  Men- 
doza,  1540  21.  l'",liot's  Brief  Narrative  of  the  Progress  of  the  Cospel 
among  the  Indians,  1670.  22.  Wlieelock's  Narrative  oi  the  Rise  of  the 
Indian  School  at  Lebanon,  Conn.,  1762.  23-  The  Petition  of  Rights,  1628. 
24.  The  (irand  Remonstrance.  25.  The  Scottish  National  Clovenants. 
26.  The  Agreement  of  the  People.  27.  The  Instrument  of  Government. 
28.  Cromwell's  First  Speech  to  his  Parliament. 

*  Double  number,  i>rice  ten  cents. 


The  Directors  of  the  Old  South  Studies  in  History  and  Politics  have 
also  published  a  Manual  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  with 
bibliographical  and  historical  notes  and  outlines  for  study,  by  Kdvi'in  U. 
Mead.  This  manual  is  published  for  the  use  of  schools  and  of  such  clubs, 
classes  and  individu.il  students  as  may  wish  to  make  a  careful  study  of  the 
Constitution  and  its  history.  Our  societies  of  young  men  and  women  enter- 
ing upon  historical  and  polilic.il  studies  can  do  nothing  better  to  begin  with 
than  to  make  themselves  thoroughly  familiar  with  the  Consiitutio'1.  It  is 
especially  with  such  societies  in  view  that  the  table  of  topics  for  study,  which 
follows  the  very  full  bibliographical  notes  in  this  manual,  has  been  prepared. 
A  copy  of  the  manual  will  be  sent  to  any  address  on  receipt  of  twenty-five 
cents ;  one  hundred  copies,  fifteen  dollars.  .Address  Directors  of  Old  South 
Studies,  Old  South  Meeting  House. 

Old  South  Meetitig  House, 
Boston,  i8gi. 


five  cents  a 
I  within  e;'sy 
l)y  M;.ssr.s. 
5<li''j;ition  of 
in  American 
n  contribute 
■i  those  now 
ichers  every- 
ey  may  meet 
il)pily  be'ng 
Some  idea 
ly  l)e  gained 
ht  numbers, 


;  Articles  of 
^'ashington's 

(Question." 
ders  of  Con- 
Vashington's 
roclamation. 
7.  14.  The 
the  Govern- 
in  Harrison, 
r)n  of  Swit- 
ttor  to  Men- 

tlie  (Jospel 

Rise  of  the 
<ights,  1628. 

C'ovenants. 
CJovernment. 


Politics  have 
States,  with 
ly  I'xivvin  U. 
sucii  clubs, 
study  of  the 
iomen  enter- 
f)  begin  with 
utio'i.  It  is 
study,  which 
en  prepared. 
f  twenty-five 
of  Old  South 


M: 


1  ' 


i 


about  fifty  paces  broad.  Ascending  fartlier,  we  found  several 
arms  of  tiie  sea  which  make  in  through  inlets,  washing  the 
shores  on  both  sides  as  the  coast  runs.  An  outstretched  coun- 
try appears  at  a  little  distance  rising  somewhat  above  the  sandy 
shore  in  beautiful  fields  and  broad  plains,  covered  with  immense 
forests  of  trees,  more  or  less  dense,  too  various  in  colours,  and 
too  delightful  and  charming  in  appearance  to  be  described.  I 
do  not  believe  that  they  are  like  the  Hercynian  forest  or  the 
rough  wilds  of  Scythia,  and  the  northern  regions  full  of  vines 
and  common  trees,  but  adorned  with  palms,  laurels,  cypresses, 
and  other  varieties  unknown  in  Europe,  that  send  forth  the  sweet- 
est fragrance  to  a  great  distance,  but  which  we  could  not  ex- 
amine more  closely  for  the  reasons  before  given,  and  not  on 
account  of  any  difficulty  in  traversing  the  woods,  which,  on  the 
contrary,  are  easily  penetrated. 

As  the  "  East "  stretches  around  this  country,  I  think  it  can- 
not be  devoid  of  the  same  medicinal  and  aromatic  drugs,  and 
various  riches  of  gold  and  the  like,  as  is  denoted  by  the  colour 
of  the  ground.  It  abounds  also  in  animals,  as  deer,  stags,  hares, 
and  many  other  similar,  and  with  a  great  variety  of  birds  for 
every  kind  of  pleasant  and  delightful  sport.  It  is  plentifully  sup- 
plied with  lakes  and  ponds  of  running  "'^ter,  and  being  in  the 
latitude  of  34.  the  air  is  salubrious,  pure  a.id  temperate,  and  free 
from  the  extremes  of  both  heat  and  cold.  There  are  no  violent 
winds  in  these  regions,  the  most  prevalent  are  the  north-west 
and  west.  In  summer,  the  season  in  which  we  were  there, 
the  sky  is  clear,  with  but  little  rain  :  if  fogs  and  mists  are  at 
any  time  driven  in  by  the  south  wind,  they  are  instantaneously 
dissipated,  and  at  once  it  becomes  serene  and  bright  again. 
The  sea  is  calm,  not  boisterous,  and  its  waves  are  gentle.  Al- 
though the  whole  coast  is  low  and  without  harbours,  it  is  not 
dangerous  for  navigation,  being  free  from  rcoks  and  bold,  so 
that  within  four  or  five  fathoms  from  the  shore  there  is  twenty- 
four  feet  of  water  at  all  times  of  tide,  and  this  depth  constantly 
increases  in  a  uniform  proportion.  The  holding  ground  is  so 
good  that  no  ship  can  part  her  cab'e,  however  violent  the  wind, 
as  we  proved  by  experience  ;  for  while  riding  at  anchor  on  the 
coast,  we  were  overtaken  by  a  gale  in  the  beginning  of  March, 
when  the  winds  are  high,  as  is  usual  in  all  countries,  we  found 
our  anchor  broken  beiore  it  started  from  its  hold  or  moved 
at  all. 

We  set  sail  from  this  place,  continuing  to  coast  along  the 
shore,  which  we  found  stretching  out  to  the  west  (east?)  ;  the  in- 


lU 


\,^ 


J-    -        <  •»- 


■ii»fW 


habitants  being  numerous,  we  saw  everywhere  a  multitude  of  fires. 
While  at  anchor  on  this  coast,  there  being  no  harbour  to  enter, 
we  sent  the  boat  on  shore  with  twenty-five  men  lo  obtain  water, 
but  it  was  not  possible  to  land  without  endangering  the  boat,  on 
account  of  the  immense  high  surf  thrown  up  by  the  sea,  as  it 
was  an  open  roadstead.  Many  of  the  natives  came  to  the 
beach,  indicating  by  various  friendly  signs  that  we  might  trust 
ourselves  on  shore.  One  of  their  noble  deeds  of  friendship  de- 
serves to  be  m.ide  known  to  your  Majesty.  A  young  sailor  was 
attempting  to  swim  ashore  through  (he  surf  to  carry  them  some 
knick-knacks,  as  little  bells,  looking-glasses,  and  other  like  tri- 
fles ;  when  he  came  near  three  or  four  of  them  he  tossed  the 
things  to  them,  and  turned  about  to  get  back  to  the  boat,  but  he 
was  thrown  over  by  the  waves,  and  so  dashed  by  them  that  he 
lay  as  it  were  dead  upon  the  beach.  When  these  people  saw 
him  in  this  situation,  they  ran  and  took  him  up  by  the  head, 
legs  and  arms,  and  carried  him  to  a  distance  from  the  surf ;  the 
young  man,  finding  himself  borne  off  in  this  way,  uttered  very 
loud  shrieks  in  fear  and  dismay,  while  they  answered  as  they 
could  in  their  language,  showing  him  that  he  had  no  cause  for 
fear.  Afterwards  they  laid  him  down  at  the  foot  of  a  little  hill, 
when  they  took  off  his  shirt  and  trowsers,  and  examined  him, 
expressing  the  greatest  astonishment  at  the  whiteness  of  his 
skin.  Our  sailors  in  the  boat  seeing  a  great  fire  made  up,  and 
their  companion  placed  very  near  it,  full  of  fear,  as  is  usual  in 
all  cases  of  novelty,  imagined  that  the  natives  were  about  to 
roast  him  for  food.  But  as  soon  as  he  had  recovered  his  strength 
after  a  short  stay  with  them,  showing  by  signs  vhat  he  wished 
to  return  aboard,  they  hugged  him  with  great  affection,  and 
accompanied  him  to  the  shore,  then  leaving  hiui,  that  he  might 
feel  more  secure,  they  withdrew  to  a  little  hill,  from  which  they 
watched  him  until  he  was  safe  in  the  boat.  This  young  man 
remarked  that  these  people  were  black  like  the  others,  that  they 
had  shining  skins,  middle  stature,  and  sharper  faces,  and  very 
delicate  bodies  and  limbs,  and  that  th»;y  were  inferior  in  strength, 
but  quick  in  their  minds  ;  this  is  all  that  he  observed  of  them. 

Departing'  hence,  and  always  following  the  shore,  which 
stretched  to  the  north,  we  came,  in  the  space  of  fifty  leagues, 
to  another  land,  which  appeared  very  beautiful  and  full  of  the 
largest  forests.  We  approached  it,  and  going  ashore  with 
twenty  men,  we  went  back  from  the  coast  about  two  leagues, 
and  found  that  the  people  had  fled  and  hid  themselves  in  the 
woods  for  fear.      By  searching  around  we  discovered  in  the 


•'5»t!;fesi»a,*, 


'^amm 


■■ 


1 


multitude  of  fires, 
larbour  to  enter, 
n  10  obtain  water, 
^ering  the  boat,  on 
p  by  the  sea,  as  it 
ives  came  to  the 
at  we  might  trust 
s  of  friendship  de- 
\  young  sailor  was 

0  carry  them  sonriC 
and  other  like  tri- 
lem  he  tossed  the 
to  the  boat,  but  he 
d  by  them  that  he 

1  these  people  saw 
n  up  by  the  head, 
;  from  the  surf  ;  the 
5  way,  uttered  very 
r  answered  as  they 
;  had  no  cause  for 

foot  of  a  little  hill, 

and  examined  him, 
e  whiteness  of  his 
t  fire  made  up,  and 

fear,  as  is  usual  in 
tives  were  about  to 
icovered  his  strength 
igns  ibat  he  wished 
great   affection,  and 

hitii,  that  he  might 
lill,  from  which  they 
t.    This  young  man 

the  others,  that  they 
rper  faces,  and  very 
e  inferior  in  strength, 
:  observed  of  them, 
ng  the  shore,  which 
ace  of  fifty  leagues, 
itiful  and  full  of  the 
[  going  ashore  with 
t  about  two  leagues, 
id  themselves  in  the 
ive  discovered  in  the 


s 

grass  a  very  old  woman  and  a  young  girl  of  about  eighteen  or 
twenty,  who  had  concealed  themselves  for  the  same  reason  ;  the 
old  woman  carried  two  infants  on  her  shoulders,  and  behind 
her  neck  a  little  boy  eight  years  of  age  ;  when  we  came  up  to 
them  they  began  to  shriek  and  make  signs  to  the  men  who  had 
fled  to  the  woods.  We  gave  them  a  part  of  our  provisions, 
which  they  accepted  with  delight,  but  the  girl  would  not  touch 
any;  every  thing  we  offered  to  her  being  thrown  down  in  great 
anger.  We  took  the  little  boy  from  the  old  woman  to  carry 
with  us  to  France,  and  would  have  taken  the  girl  also,  w^^o  was 
very  beautiful  and  very  tall,  but  it  was  impossible  because  of  the 
loud  shrieks  she  uttered  as  we  attempted  to  lead  her  away ; 
having  to  pass  some  woods,  and  being  far  from  the  ship,  we 
determined  to  leave  her  and  take  the  boy  only.  We  found  them 
fairer  than  the  others,  and  wearing  a  covering  made  of  certain 
plants,  which  hung  down  from  the  branches  of  the  trees,  tying 
them  together  with  threads  of  wild  hemp  ;  their  heads  are  with- 
out covering  and  of  the  same  shape  as  the  others.  Their  food 
is  a  kind  of  pulse  which  there  abounds,  different  in  colour  and 
size  from  ours,  and  of  a  very  delicious  flavour.  Besides  they 
take  birds  and  fish  for  food,  using  snares  and  bows  made  of  hard 
wood,  with  reeds  for  arrows,  in  the  ends  of  which  they  put  the 
bones  of  fish  and  other  animals.  The  animals  in  these  regions 
are  wilder  than  in  Europe  from  being  continually  molested  by 
the  hunters.  We  saw  many  of  their  boats  made  of  one  tree 
twenty  feet  long  and  four  feet  broad,  without  the  aid  of  stone  or 
iron  or  other  kind  of  metal.  In  the  whole  country  for  the  space 
of  two  hundred  leagues,  which  we  visited,  we  saw  no  stone  of 
any  sort.  To  hollow  out  their  boats  they  burn  out  as  much  of 
a  log  as  is  requisite,  and  also  from  the  prow  and  stern  to  make 
them  float  well  on  the  sea.  The  land,  in  situation,  fertility  and 
beauty,  is  like  the  other,  abounding  also  in  forests  filled  with 
various  kinds  of  trees,  but  not  of  such  fragrance,  as  't  is  more 
northern  and  colder. 

We  saw  in  this  country  many  vines  growing  naturally,  which 
entwine  about  the  trees,  and  run  up  upon  them  as  they  do  in  the 
plains  of  Lombardy.  These  vines  would  doubtless  produce  ex- 
cellent wine  if  thev  were  properly  cultivated  and  attended  to,  as 
we  have  often  seen  the  grapes  which  they  produce  very  sweet 
and  pleasant,  and  not  ur^like  our  own.  They  must  be  held  in 
estimation  by  them,  as  they  carefully  remove  the  shrubbery 
from  around  them,  wherever  they  grow,  to  allow  the  fruit  to 
ripen  better.     We  found  also  wild  roses,  violets,  lilies,  and  many 


J 


sorts  of  plants  and  fragrant  flowers  different  from  our  own.  We 
cannot  describe  their  habitations,  as  they  are  in  the  interior  of 
the  coiMitry,  but  from  various  indications  we  conclude  tlioy  must 
be  formed  of  trees  and  shrubs.  We  saw  also  many  grounds  for 
conjecturing  that  they  often  sleep  in  the  open  air,  without  any 
covering  but  the  sky.  Of  their  other  usages  we  know  nothing  ; 
we  believe,  however,  that  all  the  p'^ople  we  were  among  live  in 
the  same  way. 

After  having  remained  here  three  days,  riding  at  anchor  on 
the  coast,  as  we  could  find  no  harbour  we  determined  to  de- 
part, and  coast  along  the  shore  to  the  north-east,  keeping  sail 
on  the  vessel  only  by  day,  and  coming  to  anchor  by  night. 
After  proceeding  one  hundred  leagues,  we  found  a  very  pleas- 
ant situation  among  some  steep  hills,  through  which  a  very  large 
river,  deep  at  its  mouth,  forced  its  way  to  the  sea ;  from  the 
sea  to  the  estuary  of  the  river,  any  ship  heavily  laden  might 
pass,  with  the  help  of  the  tide,  which  rises  eight  feet.  But  as 
we  were  riding  at  anchor  in  a  good  berth,  we  would  not  ven- 
ture up  in  our  vessel,  without  a  knowledge  of  the  mouth ; 
therefore  we  took  the  boat,  and  entering  the  river,  we  found 
the  country  on  its  banks  well  peopled,  the  inhabitants  not  dif- 
fering much  from  the  others,  being  dressed  out  with  the  feath- 
ers of  birds  of  various  colours.  They  came  towards  us  with 
evident  delight,  raising  loud  shouts  of  admiration,  and  showing 
us  where  we  could  most  securely  land  with  our  boat.  We 
passed  up  this  river,  about  half  a  league,  when  we  found  it 
formed  a  most  beautiful  lake  three  leagues  in  circuit,  upon 
which  they  were  rowing  thirty  or  more  of  their  small  boats, 
from  one  shore  to  the  other,  filled  with  multitudes  who  came  to 
see  us.  All  of  a  sudden,  as  is  wont  to  happen  to  navigators,  a 
violent  contrary  wind  blew  in  from  the  sea,  and  forced  us  to 
return  to  our  ship,  greatly  regretting  to  leave  this  region  which 
seemed  so  rommodious  and  delightful,  and  which  wc  supposed 
must  also  contain  great  riches,  as  the  hills  showed  many  in- 
dications of  minerals.  Weighing  anchor,  we  sailed  fifty 
leagues  toward  the  east,  as  the  coast  stretched  in  that  direc- 
tion, and  always  in  sight  of  it ;  at  length  we  discovered  an 
island  of  a  triangular  form,  about  ten  leagues  from  the  main- 
land, in  size  about  equal  to  the  island  of  Rhodes,  having  many 
hills  covered  with  trees,  and  well  peopled,  judging  from  the 
great  number  of  fires  which  we  saw  all  around  its  shores ;  we 
gave  it  the  name  of  your  Majesty's  illustrious  mother. 
,       We  did  not  land  there,  as  the  weather  was  unfavourable,  but 


om  our  own.  We 
n  the  interior  of 

Hv-Iude  tiiijy  must 
many  grounds  for 

air,  without  any 
e  know  nothing ; 
re  among  live  in 

;iing  at  anchor  on 
letermined  to  de- 

ast,  keeping  sail 
anchor  by  night, 
nd  a  very  pleas- 
vhich  a  very  large 
he  sea  ;  from  the 
vily  laden  might 
ight  feet.  But  as 
ve  would  not  ven- 
;  of  the  mouth ; 
i  river,  we  found 
labitants  not  dif- 
ut  with  the  feath- 

towards  us  with 
ion,  and  showing 
h  our  boat.  We 
hen  we  found  it 

in  circuit,  upon 
heir  small  boats, 
des  who  came  to 

to  navigators,  a 
and  forced  us  to 
his  region  which 
ich  wc  supposed 
howed  many  in- 
we  sailed  fifty 
ed  in  that  direc- 
e  discovered  an 
1  from  the  main- 
les,  having  many 
Lidging  from  the 
id  its  shores ;  we 
:iother. 
anfavourable,  but 


proceeded  to  another  place,  fii'teci  leagues  distant  from  the 
island,  where  we  found  a  very  excellent  harbour.  Before  en- 
tering it,  we  saw  about  twenty  small  boats  full  of  people,  who 
came  about  our  ship,  uttering  many  cries  of  astonishment,  but 
they  would  not  approach  nearer  than  within  fifty  paces  ;  stop- 
ping, they  looked  at  the  structure  of  our  ship,  our  persons  and 
dress,  afterwards  they  all  raised  a  loud  shout  together,  signify- 
ing that  they  were  pleased.  By  imitating  their  signs,  we  in- 
spired them  in  some  measure  with  confidence,  so  that  they 
came  near  enough  for  us  to  toss  to  them  some  little  bells  and 
glasses,  and  many  toys,  which  they  took  and  looked  at,  laugh- 
ing, and  then  came  on  board  without  fear.  Among  tliem  were 
two  kings  more  beautiful  in  form  and  stature  than  can  possibly 
be  described ;  one  was  about  forty  years  old,  the  other  about 
twenty-four,  and  they  were  dressed  In  the  following  manner  : 
The  oldest  had  a  deer's  skin  around  his  body,  artificially 
wrought  in  damask  figures,  his  head  was  without  covering, 
his  hair  was  tied  back  in  various  knots;  around  his  neck  he  wore 
a  large  chain  ornamented  with  many  stones  of  diiTerent  colours. 
The  young  man  was  similar  in  his  general  appearance.  This 
is  the  finest  looking  tribe,  and  the  handsomest  in  their  cos- 
tumes, that  we  have  found  in  our  voyage.  They  exceed  us  in 
size,  and  they  are  of  a  very  fair  complexion  (?) ;  some  of  them 
incline  more  to  a  white  (bronze  ?),  and  others  to  a  tawny  colour ; 
their  faces  are  sharp,  their  hair  long  and  black,  upon  the  adorning 
of  which  they  bestow  great  pains ;  their  eyes  are  black  and  sharp, 
their  expression  mild  and  pleasant,  greatly  resembling  the  an- 
tique. I  say  nothing  to  your  Majesty  of  the  other  parts  of  the 
body,  which  are  all  in  good  proportion,  and  such  as  belong  to 
well-formed  men.  Their  women  are  of  the  same  form  and 
beauty,  very  graceful,  of  fine  countenances  and  pleasing  ap- 
pearance in  manners  and  modesty ;  they  wear  no  clothing  ex- 
cept a  dtcr  skin,  ornamented  like  those  worn  by  the  men  ; 
some  wear  very  rich  lynx  skins  upon  their  arms,  and  various 
ornaments  upon  their  heads,  composed  of  braids  of  hair,  which 
also  hang  down  upon  their  breasts  on  each  side.  Others  wear 
different  ornaments,  such  as  the  women  of  Egypt  and  Syria 
use.  The  older  and  the  married  people,  both  men  and  women, 
wear  many  ornaments  in  their  ears,  hanging  down  in  the  oriental 
manner.  We  saw  upon  them  several  pieces  of  wrought  cop- 
per, which  is  more  esteemed  by  them  than  gold,  as  this  is  not 
valued  on  account  of  its  colour,  but  is  considered  by  them  as 
the  most  ordinary  of  the  metals  —  yellow  being  the  colour  es- 


n 


M 


8 

peciallv  disliked  by  them ;    azure  and  led  are  those  in  highest 
estimation  with  them,     (^f  those  things  wiiich  we  gave  them,  they 
prized  most  iiighly  the  bells,  azure  crystals,  and  other  toys  to 
hang  in  their  ears  and  about  their  necks  ;   they  do  not  value 
or  care  to  have  silk  or  gold  stuffs,  or  other  kinds  of  cloth,  nor 
implements  of  steel  or  iron.     When  we  showed  them  our  arms, 
they  expressed   no  admiration,  and  only  asked  how  they  were 
made  ;    the  same  was  the  case  of   the   looking-glasses,  which 
they  returned  to  us,  smiling,  as  soon  as  they   had   looked   at 
them.       .""ley   are    very   generous,  giving  away  whatever  they 
have.     We  formed  a  greai  friendship  with  them,  and  one  day 
we  entered  into  the  port  with  our  ship,  having  before  rode  at 
the  distance  of  a  league  from  the  shore,  as  the  weather  was  ad- 
verse.    They  came  otT  to  the  ship  with  a  number  of  their  little 
boats,  with   their  faces  painted  in  divers  colours,  showirig  us 
real  signs  of  joy,  bringing  us  of  their  provisions,  and  signifying 
to  us  where  we  could  best   ride  in  safety  with  our  ship,  and 
keeping   with    us    until    we    had  cast  anchor.       We  remained 
among  them  fifteen  days,  to  provide  ourselves  with  many  things 
of  which  we  were  in  want,  during  which  time  they  came  every 
day  to  see  our  ship,  bringing  with  them  their  wives,  of  whom 
they  were   very   careful ;    for,  although   they   came  on   board 
themcelves,  and  remained  a  long  while,  they  made  their  wives 
stay  in  the  boats,  nor  could  we  ever  get  them  on  board  by  any 
entreaties  or  any  presents  we  could  make  them.     One  of  the 
two  kings  often  came  with   his  queen   and  many  attendants, 
to  see  us  for  his  amusement;   but  he  always  stopped  at  the 
distance  of  about  two  hundred  paces,  and  sent  a  boat  to  inform 
us  of  his  intended  visit,  saying  they  would  come  and  see  our 
sliip  —  this  was  done  for  safety,  and  as  soon  as  they  had  an  an- 
swer  from   us   they   came   off,  and   remained  awhile  to   look 
around  ;   but  on   hearing  the  annoying  cries  of  the  sailors,  the 
king  sent  the  queen,  with   her  attendants,  in  a  very  light  boat, 
to  wait,  near  an  island  a  quarter  of  a  league  distant  from  us, 
while  he  remained  a  long  time  on  board,  talking  with  us  by 
signs,  and  expressing  his  fanciful  notions  about  every   hing  in 
the  ship,  and  asking  the  use  of  all.     After  imitating  our  modes 
of  salutation,  and  tasting  our  food,  he  courteously  took  leave 
of  us.     Sometimes,  when  our  men  stayed  two  or  three  days  on 
a  small  island,  near  the  ship,  for  their  various  necessities,  as 
sailors  art  wont  to  do,  he  came  with  seven  or  eight  of  his  at- 
tendants, to  inquire  about  our  movements,  often  asking  us  if  we 
intended  to  remain  there  long,  and  offering  us  everything  at  his 


those  in  Iiighest 
e  fjave  tliem,  they 
d  other  toys  to 
cy  do  not  value 
Hs  of  cloth,  nor 
them  our  arms, 
how  they  were 
ig-gl.isscs,  which 
had    looked    at 
ly  whatever  they 
m,  and  one  day 
(^  before  rode  at 
weather  was  ad- 
)cr  of  their  little 
ours,  showing  us 
s,  and  signifying 
ilh  our  ship,  and 
We  remained 
kvitii  many  things 
they  came  every 
■  wives,  of  whom 
came  on    board 
nade  their  wives 
on  board  by  any 
em.    One  of  the 
many  attendants, 
s  stopped  at  the 
a  boat  to  inform 
:ome  and  see  our 
they  had  an  an- 
1  awhile   to   look 
i  the  sailors,  the 
a  very  light  boat, 
;  distant  from  us, 
Iking  with  us  by 
ut  every   hing  in 
ating  our  modes 
ously  took  leave 
3r  three  days  on 
js  necessities,  as 
r  eight  of  his  at- 
1  asking  us  if  we 
everything  at  his 


I 


command,  and  then  he  would  shoot  with  his  bow,  and  run  up  and 
down  with  his  people,  making  great  sport  for  us.  We  often  went 
five  or  six  leagues  into  the  interior,  and  found  the  country  as 
pleasant  as  is  possible  to  conceive,  adapted  to  cultivation  of  every 
kind,  whether  of  corn,  wine  or  oil ;  there  arc  open  plains 
twenty-five  or  thirty  leagues  in  extent,  entirely  free  from  trees 
of  other  hindrances,  and  of  so  great  fertility,  that  whatever  is 
sown  there  will  yield  an  excellent  crop.  On  entering  the 
woods,  we  observed  that  they  might  all  be  traversed  by  an  army 
ever  so  numerous  ;  the  trees  of  which  they  were  composed,  were 
oaks,  cypresses,  and  others,  unknown  in  Kurope.  We  found, 
also,  apples,  phimbs,  filberts,  and  many  other  fruits,  but  all  of 
a  different  kind  from  ours.  The  animals,  which  are  in  great 
numbers,  as  stags,  deer,  lynxes,  and  many  other  species,  are 
taken  by  ?nares,  and  by  bows,  the  latter  being  their  chief 
implement;  their  arrows  are  wrought  with  great  beauty,  and  for 
the  heads  of  them,  they  use  emery,  jasper,  hard  marble,  and 
other  sharp  stones,  in  the  place  of  iron.  They  also  use  the 
same  kind  of  sharp  stones  in  cutting  down  trees,  and  with 
them  they  construct  their  boats  of  smgle  logs,  hollowed  out 
with  admirable  skill,  and  sufficiently  commodious  to  contain 
ten  or  twelve  persons ;  their  oars  are  short,  and  broad  at  the 
end,  and  are  managed  in  rowing  by  force  of  the  arms  alone, 
with  perfect  security,  and  as  nimbly  as  they  choose.  We  saw 
their  dwellings,  which  are  of  a  circular  form,  of  about  ten  or 
twelve  paces  in  circumfe  >  .ice,  made  of  logs  split  in  halves, 
without  iny  regularity  of  architecture,  and  covered  with  roofs 
of  straw,  nicely  put  on,  which  protect  them  from  wind  and 
rain.  There  is  no  doubt  that  they  would  build  stately  edifices 
if  they  had  workmen  as  skilful  as  ours,  for  the  whole  sea- 
coast  abounds  in  shining  stones,  crystals,  and  alabaster,  and 
for  the  same  reason  it  has  ports  and  retreats  for  animals. 
They  change  their  habitations  from  place  to  place  as  circum- 
stances of  situation  and  season  may  require ;  this  is  easily 
done,  as  they  have  only  to  take  with  them  their  mats,  and  they 
have  other  houses  prepared  at  once.  The  father  and  the 
whole  family  dwell  together  in  one  house  in  great  numbers ;  in 
some  we  saw  twenty-five  or  thirty  persons.  Their  food  is  pulse, 
as  with  the  other  tribes,  which  is  here  better  than  elsewhere, 
and  more  carefully  cultivated  ;  in  the  time  of  sowing  they  are 
governed  by  the  mootr,  the  sprouting  of  grain,  and  many  other 
ancient  usages.  They  live  by  hunting  and  fishing,  and  they 
are  long-lived.     If  they  fall  sick,  they  cure  themselves  without 


-—--■■.    .--'^-^^•yhiir'i^ 


ss^^?^ 


.saiHSsV-;-"' 


10 


medicine,  by  tlie  heat  of  the  fire,  and  their  death  at  last  comes 
from  extreme  old  ago.  Wc  judge  them  to  lie  very  affectionate 
nnd  charitable  towards  iheir  relaliv«'.s  —  making  loud  laiiifMta- 
tions  in  their  adversity,  and  in  their  misery  railing  to  niin  1  all 
their  good  fortune.  At  their  departure  out  of  life,  their  relations 
mutually  join  in  weeping,  mingled  with  singing,  for  a  long 
while.  This  is  all  that  we  could  learn  of  them.  This  region 
is  situated  i"  the  narallel  of  Rome,  being  41°  40' of  north 
latitude,  but  mujii  colder  from  accidental  circinnstances,  and 
not  by  nature,  as  I  shall  hereafter  explain  to  your  Majesty,  and 
confine  myself  at  present  to  the  description  of  its  local  situa- 
tion. It  looks  towards  the  south,  on  which  side  the  harbour  is 
half  a  league  broa<i ;  afterwards,  upon  entering  it,  the  extent 
between  the  coast  and  north  is  twelve  leagues,  and  then  en- 
larging itself  it  forms  a  very  large  bay,  twenty  leagues  in  cir- 
cumference, in  whioh  are  five  small  islands,  of  great  fertility 
and  beauty,  covered  with  large  and  lofty  trees.  Among  these 
islands  any  Heet,  however  large,  might  ride  safely,  without  fear 
of  tempests  or  other  dangers.  Turning  towards  the  south,  at 
the  entrance  of  the  harbour,  on  both  sides,  there  are  very  pleas- 
ant hills,  and  many  streams  of  clear  water,  which  How  clown  to 
the  sea.  In  the  midst  of  the  entrance,  there  is  a  rock  of  free- 
stone, formed  by  nature,  and  suitable  for  the  construction  of 
any  kind  of  machine  or  bulw.irk  for  the  defence  of  the  harbour.* 
Having  supplied  ourselves  with  every  thing  necessary,  on 
the  fifth  of  May  we  departed  from  the  port,  and  sailed  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  leagues,  keepinp  so  close  to  the  coast  as  never  to 
lose  it  from  our  sight ;  the  nature  of  the  country  appeared  much 
the  same  as  before,  but  the  mountains  were  a  little  higher, 
and  all  in  appearance  rich  in  minerals.  We  did  nnt  ^top  to  land 
as  the  weather  was  very  favorable  for  pursuing  our  voyage, 
and  the  country  presented  no  variety.  The  shore  stretched  to 
the  east,  and  fifty  leagues  beyond  more  to  the  north,  where  we 
found  a  more  elevated  country,  full  of  very  thick  woods  of  fir 


•  The  above  description  applies  to  Narraganset  Hay  and  the  harbour  of 
Newport  in  Rhode  Island,  although  mistaken  by  Dr.  Miller,  in  his  discourse 
before  this  Society,  as  published  in  the  first  volume  of  the  former  series  of 
Collections,  for  the  bay  and  harbour  of  New- York.  The  latter  are  briefly 
described  in  a  preceding  paragraph  of  this  translation,  p.  45,  with  sufficient 
clearness  to  admit  of  their  being  easily  recognized.  The  island  "  of  a 
triangular  form,  resembling  the  island  of  Rhodes,"  which  Verrazzano  men- 
tions as  fiftv  leagues  to  the  east  of  New- York,  p.  46,  is  doubtless  Block 
Island.—  Ed. 


II 


til  at  hist   comes 
vory  affectionate 
inn  IoikI  lanienta- 
IliiiK  to  min  1  all 
f<',  tlicir  relations 
ni>>K.  for    a    loHf; 
rn.      Tliis  region 
41°  40'  of    north 
rcumjitances,  and 
onr  Majesty,  and 
of  its  local  sittia- 
fle  the  harbour  is 
ring  it,  the  extent 
K's,  and  then  en- 
ty  leagues  in  cir- 
of  great  fertility 
s.     Among  these 
feiy,  without  fear 
rds  the  south,  at 
re  are  very  pleas- 
iih   (low  down  to 
a  rnck  of  free- 
e  construction  of 
i  of  the  harbour.'* 
ing  necessary,  on 
d  sailed  one  hun- 
coast  as  never  to 
ry  appeared  much 
:   a  little    higher, 
dnn*  "top  to  land 
uing  our  voyage, 
lore  stretched  to 
north,  where  we 
hick  woods  of  fir 


'  and  the  harbour  of 
Her,  in  his  (ILscourse 
he  former  series  of 
he  latter  are  briefly 
p.  45.  with  suflficient 
The  island  "of  a 
:h  Verrazzano  men- 
is  doubtless  Block 


trees,  cypresses  and  the  like,  indicative  of  a  cold  climate.  The 
people  were  entirely  different  from  the  others  we  had  seen, 
whom  we  had  found  kind  and  gentle,  but  these  were  so  rude  and 
barbarous  that  we  were  utiable  by  any  signs  we  could  make,  to 
hold  communication  with  them.  They  clothe  themselves  in  t'lf; 
skins  of  bears,  lynxes,  seals  and  other  animals.  'I'heir  food,  as 
far  as  we  coulil  judge  by  several  visits  to  their  dwellings,  is  ob- 
tained by  hunting  and  hshinc,  and  certain  fruits,  which  are  a  sort 
of  root  of  spontaneous  growth.  They  have  no  pulse,  and  we 
saw  no  signs  of  cultivation  ;  the  land  appears  sleriU  and  unfit  for 
growing  of  ffuil  or  grain  of  iny  kind.  If  we  wished  at  any 
time  to  traffick  with  them,  they  came  to  the  sea  shore  and  stood 
upon  the  rocks,  from  which  they  lowered  down  by  a  cord  to  our 
boats  beneath  whatever  they  had  to  barter,  continually  crying 
out  to  us,  not  to  come  nearer,  and  instantly  demanding  from  us 
that  which  was  to  be  given  in  exchange  ;  they  took  from  us  only 
knives,  fish  hooks  and  sharjievd  steel.  No  regard  was  i)aid  to 
our  courtesies ;  when  we  had  nothing  left  to  exchange  with 
them,  the  men  at  our  departure  made  the  most  brutal  signs  of 
disdain  and  contempt  possible.  Against  their  will  we  penetrated 
two  or  three  le.igues  into  the  interior  with  twenty-five  men  ; 
when  we  came  to  the  shore,  they  shot  at  us  with  their  arrows, 
raising  the  most  horrible  cries  and  afterwards  fleeing  to  the 
woods.  In  this  region  we  found  nothing  extraordinary  except 
vast  forests  and  some  metalliferous  hills,  as  we  infer  from  see- 
ing that  many  of  the  people  wore  copper  ear-rings.  Departing 
from  thence,  we  kept  along  the  coast,  steering  north-east,  and 
found  the  country  more  pleasant  and  open,  free  from  woods, 
and  distant  in  the  interior  we  saw  lofty  mountains,  but  none 
which  extended  to  the  shore.  Within  fifty  leagues  we  discovered 
thirty-two  islands,  all  near  the  main  land,  small  and  of  pleasant 
appearance,  but  high  and  so  disposed  as  to  afford  excellent  har- 
bours and  channels,  as  we  see  in  the  Adriatic  gulph,  near  Illy 
ria  and  Dalmatia.  We  had  no  intercourse  with  the  people,  bu. 
we  judge  that  they  were  similiar  in  nature  and  uspges  to  those 
we  were  last  among.  After  sailing  between  east  and  north  the 
distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagties  inore,  and  finding  our 
provisions  and  naval  stores  nearly  exhausted,  we  took  in  wood 
and  water  and  determined  to  return  to  France,  having  discovered 
502,  that  is  700  (sic;  leagues  of  unknown  lands. 

As  to  the  religious  faith  of  all  these  tribes,  not  understand- 
ing their  language,  we  could  not  discover  either  by  sign  or 
gestures  any  thing  certain.     It  seemed  to  us  that  they  had  no 


-iiiVtl'W*'!'  i"'"  ' 


12 

religion  nor  laws,  nor  any  knowledge  of  a  First  Cause  or  Mover, 
that  they  worshipped  neither  the  heavens,  stars,  siin,  moon  nor 
other  planets ;  nor  could  we  learn  if  tiiey  were  given  to  any  kind 
of  idolatry,  or  offered  any  sacrifices  or  supplications,  or  if  they 
hav2  temples  or  houses  of  prayer  in  their  villages; — our  conclu- 
sion was,  that  they  have  no  religious  belief  whatever,  but  live  in 
this  respect  entirely  free.  All  which  proceeds  from  ignorance, 
as  they  are  very  easy  to  be  persuaded,  and  imitated  us  with 
earnestness  and  fervour  in  all  which  they  saw  us  do  as  Christians 
in  our  acts  of  worship. 


I  j  It  remains  for  me  to  lay  before  your  Majesty  a  cosmo- 

\  I  graphical  exposition  of  our  voyage.     Taking  our  departure,  as 

|i  I  before  observed,  from   the   above   mentioned  desert  rocks, 

*  vvhich  lie  on  the  extreme  verge  of  the  west,  as  known  to  the 

||  ancients,  in  the  meridian  of  the  Fortunate  Islands,  and  in  the 

latitude  of  32  degrees  north  from  the  equator,  and  steering  a 
westward  course,  we  had  run,  when  we  first  made  land,  a  dis- 
tance of  r,2oo  leagues  or  4,800  miles,  reckoning,  according  to 
nautical  usage,  four  miles  to  a  league.  This  distance  calculated 
geometrically,  upon  the  usual  ratio  of  the  diameter  to  the  cir- 
cumference of  the  circle,  gives  92  degrees;  for  if  we  take  114 
degrees  as  the  chord  of  an  arc  of  a  great  circle,  we  have  by  the 
same  ratio  95  deg.  as  the  chord  of  an  arc  on  the  parallel  of  34 
degiees,  being  that  on  which  we  first  made  land,  and  300 
degrees  as  the  circumference  of  the  whole  circle,  passing 
through  this  plane.  Allowing  then,  as  actual  observations 
show,  that  62^  terrestrial  miles  correspond  to  a  celestial 
degree,  we  find  the  whole  circumference  of  300  deg.,  as  ju.st 
given,  to  be  18,759  miles,  which,  divided  by  360,  makes  the 
length  of  a  degree  of  longitude  in  the  parallel  of  34  degrees  to 
be  52  miles,  and  that  is  the  true  measure.  Upon  this  basis, 
1,200  leagues,  or  4,800  miles  meridional  distance,  on  the  par- 
allel of  34,  give  92  degrees,  and  so  many  therefore  have  we 
sailed  farther  to  the  west  than  was  known  to  the  ancients. 
During  our  voyage  we  had  no  lunar  eclipses  or  like  celestial 
phenomenas,  we  therefore  determined  our  progress  from  the 
difference  of  longitude,  which  we  ascertained  by  various  instru- 
ments, by  taking  the  sun's  altitude  from  day  to  day,  and  by  cal- 
culating geometrically  the  distance  run  by  the  ship  from  one 
horizon  to  another ;  all  these  observations,  as  also  the  ebb  and 
flow  of  the  sea  in  all  places,  were  noted  in  a  little  book,  which 


t  Cause  or  Mover, 
rs,  sun,  moon  nor 

?;iven  to  any  kind 
cations,  or  if  they 
jes; — our  conclu- 
atever,  but  live  in 
from  ignorance, 

imitated  us  with 
IS  do  as  Christians 


Vlajesty  a  cosmo- 
our  departure,  as 
led  desert  rocks, 
as  known  to  the 
lands,  and  in  the 
)r,  and  steering  a 
made  land,  a  dia- 
ling, according  to 
istance  calculated 
kmeter  to  the  cir- 
ror  if  we  take  114 
le,  we  have  by  the 
:he  parallel  of  34 
le  land,  and  300 
le  circle,  passing 
tual  observations 
d  to  a  celestial 
300  deg.,  as  just 
f  360,  makes  the 
1  of  34  degrees  to 
Upon  this  basis, 
ance,  on  the  par- 
herefore  have  we 
to  the  ancients. 
1  or  like  celestial 
rogress  from  the 
by  various  instro- 
I  day,  and  by  cal- 
le  ship  from  one 
also  the  ebb  and 
little  book,  which 


13 

may  prove  serviceable  io  navigators ;  they  are  communicated  to 
your  Majesty  in  the  hope  of  promoting  science. 

My  intention  in  this  voyage  was  to  reach  Cathay,  on  the 
extreme  coast  of  Asia,  expecting,  however,  to  find  in  the  newly 
discovered  land  some  such  an  obstacle,  as  they  have  proved  to 
be,  yet  I  did  not  doubt  that  I  should  penetrate  by  some  passage 
to  the  eastern  ocean.  It  was  the  opinion  of  the  ancients,  that 
our  oriental  Indian  ocean  is  one  and  without  any  interposing 
land ;  Aristotle  supports  it  by  arguments  founded  on  various 
probabilities  ;  but  it  is  contrary  to  that  of  the  moderns  and 
shown  to  be  turroneous  by  experience  ;  the  country  which  has 
been  discovered,  and  which  was  unknown  to  the  ancients,  is 
another  world  compared  with  that  before  known,  being  mani- 
festly larger  than  our  Europe,  together  with  Africa  and  perhaps 
Asia,  if  we  rightly  estimate  its  extent,  as  shall  now  be  briefly 
explained  to  your  Majesty.  The  Spaniards  have  sailed  south 
beyond  the  equator  on  a  meridian  20  degrees  west  of  the  Fort- 
unate Islands  to  the  latitude  of  54,  and  there  still  found  land ; 
turning  about  they  steered  northward  on  the  same  meridian  and 
a.ong  the  coast  to  the  eighth  degree  of  latitude  near  the  equator, 
and  thence  along  the  coast  more  to  the  west  and  north-west,  to 
the  latitude  of  21°,  without  finding  a  termination  to  the  conti- 
nent ;  they  estimated  the  distance  run  as  89  degrees,  which, 
added  to  the  20  first  run  west  of  the  Canaries,  make  109 
degrees  and  so  far  west;  they  sailed  from  the  meridian  of 
these  islands,  but  this  may  vary  somewhat  from  truth  ;  we  did 
not  make  this  voyage  and  therefore  cannot  speak  from  experi- 
ence ;  we  calculated  it  geometrically  from  the  observations 
furnished  by  many  navigators,  who  have  made  the  voyage  and 
affirm  the  distance  to  be  1,600  leagues,  due  allowance  being 
made  for  the  deviations  of  the  ship  from  a  straight  course,  by 
reason  of  contrary  winds.  I  hope  that  we  shall  now  obtain 
certain  information  on  these  points,  by  new  voyages  to  be  made 
on  the  same  coasts.  But  to  return  to  ourselves ;  in  the  voyage 
which  we  have  made  by  order  of  your  Majesty,  in  addition  to 
the  92  degrees  we  run  towards  the  west  from  our  point  of 
departure,  before  we  reached  land  in  the  latitude  of  34,  we 
have  to  couiit  300  leagues  which  we  ran  north-east-wardly,  and 
400  nearly  east  along  the  coast  before  we  reached  the  50th 
parallel  of  north  latitude,  the  point  where  we  turned  our  course 
from  the  shore  towards  home.  Beyond  this  point  the  Portu- 
guese had  already  sailed  as  far  north  as  the  Arctic  circle,  with- 
out coming  to  the  termination  of  the  land.     Thus  adding  the 


> 


Jjfeto^'-^ 


14 

degrees  of  south  latitude  explored,  which  are  54,  to  those  of 
the  north,  which  are  66,  the  suiii  is  120,  and  therefore  more 
than  are  embraced  in  the  latitude  of  Africa  and  Europe,  for  the 
north  point  of  Norway,  which  is  the  extremiiy  of  Europe,  is  in 
71  north,  and  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  which  is  the  southern 
extremity  of  Africa,  is  in  35  south,  and  their  sum  is  only  106, 
and  if  the  breadth  of  this  newly  discovered  country  corresponds 
to  its  extent  of  sea  coast,  it  doubtless  exceeds  Asia  in  size.  In 
this  way  we  find  that  the  land  forms  a  much  larger  portion  of 
our  globe  than  the  ancients  supposed,  who  maintained,  contrary 
to  mathematical  reasoning,  that  it  was  less  than  the  water, 
whereas  actual  experience  proves  the  reverse,  so  that  we  judge 
in  respect  to  extent  of  surface  the  land  covers  as  much  space 
as  the  water ;  and  I  hope  more  clearly  and  more  satisfactorily 
to  point  out  and  explain  to  your  Majesty  the  great  extent  of 
that  new  land,  or  new  world,  of  which  I  have  been  speaking. 
The  continent  of  Asia  and  Africa,  we  kncv  for  certain,  is  joined 
to  Europe  at  the  north  in  Norway  and  Russia,  which  disproves 
the  idea  of  the  ancients  that  all  this  part  had  been  navigated 
from  the  Cimbric  Chersonesus,  eastward  as  fur  as  the  Caspian 
Sea.  They  also  maintained  that  the  whole  continent  was  sur- 
rounded by  two  seas  situate  to  the  east  and  west  of  it,  which 
seas  in  fact  do  not  surround  either  of  the  two  continents,  (or  as 
we  have  seen  above,  die  land  of  the  southern  hemisphere  at  the 
latitude  of  54  extends  eastwardly  an  unknown  distance,  and 
that  of  the  northern  passing  the  66th  parallel  turns  to  the  east, 
and  has  no  termination  as  high  as  the  70th.  In  a  short  time, 
I  hope,  we  shall  have  more  certain  knowledge  of  these  things, 
by  the  aid  of  your  Majesty,  whom  I  pray  Almighty  God  to 
prosper  in  lasting  glory,  that  we  may  see  the  most  important 
results  of  this  our  cosmography  in  the  fulfilment  of  the  holy 
words  of  the  Gospel. 

On  board  the  ship  Dolphin,  in  the  port  of  Dieppe  in  Nor- 
mandy, the  8th  of  July,  1524. 

Your  humble  servitor, 

John  de  Verrazzano. 


Giovanni  da  Verrazzano.  who  commanded  the  first  French  expedition  to 
America  sent  out  under  royal  auspices,  was,  like  Columbjs,  who  sailed  in  the 
service  of  Spain,  an  Italian.  He  was  born  in  Florence,  and  was  about  ten 
years  old  when  Columbus  discovered  America.  It  has  been  stated,  but  on 
doubtful  authority,  that  he  commanded  one  of  the  ships  in  Aubert's  expedi- 
tion to  America  in  1508.    In  1521  he  appears  in  history  as  a  French  corsair, 


are  54,  to  those  of 
and  therefore  more 
and  Europe,  for  the 
liiy  of  Europe,  is  in 
ich  is  the  southern 
sir  sum  is  only  106, 
country  corresponds 
ds  Asia  in  size.  In 
ch  larger  portion  of 
naintained,  contrary 
ss  than  the  water, 
e,  so  that  we  judge 
kers  as  much  space 

more  satisfactorily 
the  great  extent  of 
av<:  been  speaking, 
'or  certain,  is  joined 
}ia,  which  disproves 
[lad  been  navigated 
fiir  as  the  Caspian 

continent  was  sur- 
d  west  of  it,  which 
o  continents,  (or  as 
n  hemisphere  at  the 
lown  distance,  and 
:1  turns  to  the  east, 
In  a  short  time, 
Ige  of  these  things, 
'  Almighty  God  to 
the  most  important 
Slment  of  the  holy 

of  Dieppe  in  Nor- 


r  DE  Verrazzano. 

■St  French  expedition  to 
mbus,  who  sailed  in  the 
nee,  and  was  about  ten 
las  been  stated,  but  on 
lips  in  Aubert's  expedi- 
)ry  as  a  French  corsair, 


15 

preying  upon   the  commerce  between   Spain   and   America;    and   it  was 
probably  in  this  occupation  that  he  gained  the  notice  and  favr  v  of  Francis  I. 
Late  in  1523  he  started  on  his  voyage  across  the  Atlantic,  in  the  "  Dau- 
phine,"*  his  object  being,  as  he  tells  us  himself  in  the  cosmographical  appen- 
ds to  his  letter,  to  reach  Cathay  (China)  by  a  westward  route.     Of  this 
voyage  the  famous  letter  here  published  is  the  record.     It  was  in  March, 
1524,  that  he  discovered  the  American  coast,  probably  not  far  from  the  site 
of  Wilmington  in  North  Carolina.     It  will  be  interesting  for  the  student  to 
follow  him  in  his  course  northward,  remembering  that    he  wa?   the  first 
European  who  explored  this  part  of  the  coast.    "  A  newe  land,"  he  exclaims 
in  his  letter,  "never  before  seen  of  any  man,  either  auncient  or  moderne." 
Among  the  places  which  he  describes,  Nev   York  Harbor,  Block   Island 
(which  he  named  Louisa,  in  honor  of   the  king's  mother),  Newport  and 
other  places  have  been  identified.     He  continued  along  the  Maine  coast  and 
as  far  as  Kova  Scotia  and  Newfoundland,  which  fishermen  from  Urittany 
had  found  twenty  >ears  before  (the  name  of  Cape  Breton  is  a  trace  of  them), 
thence  returning  to  France.     He  reached  Dieppe  early  in  July,  and  it  is  from 
Dieppe,  July  8,  1524,  that  his  letter  to  the  king  is  dated.     It  is  the  earliest 
description  known  to  exist  of  the  shores  of  the  United  .States. 

There  are  two  copies  of  Verrazzano's  letter,  both  of  them,  however, 
Italian  translations,  the  original  letter  not  being  in  existence.  One  was 
printed  by  Rj.musio  in  1556,  and  this  was  translated  into  English  by  Hakluyt 
for  his  Divers  Voyages,  which  appeared  in  1582.  The  other  was  found  many 
years  later  in  the  Strozzi  Library  at  Florence,  and  was  first  published  in 
1841  by  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  with  a  translation  by  Dr.  J,  G. 
Cogswell.  This  is  the  translation  given  in  the  present  leaflet.  The  cosmo- 
graphical appendix  contained  in  the  second  version,  and  considered  by  Dr. 
Asher  and  other  antiquarians  a  document  of  great  importance,  was  not  con- 
tained in  the  copy  printed  by  Ramusio. 

Verrazzano's  voyage  and  letter  have  been  the  occasion  of  much  contro- 
versy. There  are  those  who  believe  that  he  never  came  to  America  at  all, 
but  that  the  letter  was  ingeniously  prepared  in  F.-ance,  with  the  connivance 
of  the  king,  as  the  basis  of  a  claim  to  American  territory.  Mr.  Henry  C. 
Murphy  has  been  the  ablest  objector  to  the  genuineness  of  Verrazzano's 
letter  and  voyage.  See  his  book  on  The  Voyage  of  Verratzano,  which 
affected  Mr.  Bancroft  so  deeply  that  he  has  left  out  all  me.itionof  Verrazzano 
in  the  revised  edition  of  his  History  of  the  United  States.     The  entire  contro- 


•rtiiDelfina  «iis  the  name  of  Verraiiano's  ship.  Both  Hakluyt  and  Dr.  Cogswell 
render  this  by  the  word  Dtttkin'  This  is  not  correct.  The  Italian  for  dolphin  is  delfino, 
which  also  signifies  the  dauphin,  or  oldest  son  of  the  king  of  France,  so  called  because  upon 
the  cession  of  Uauphiny  to  the  crown  of  France,  he  became  entitled  to  wear  the  armorial 
device  of  the  princes  af  that  province,  which  was  a  dolphin.     Dauphine  U  the  feminine  term. 


ill! 


i6 


versy  is  reviewed  most  ably  by  Justin  Winsor,  in  the  fourth  volume  of  the 
new  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  and  he  shov-s  the  utter  in- 
sufficiency of  Murphy's  objections.  This  review  should  he  carefully  read  by 
the  student.  See  also  De  Costa's  Vtrrazzano  the  Explorer,  containing  an 
exhaustive  l)ibliography  of  the  subject,  Prof.  Geo.  W.  Greene's  essay  on 
Verrazzano  in  the  North  American  Review  for  October,  1837,  etc. 

The  fouith  volume  of  the  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America 
bears  the  sub-title  of  French  Explorations  and  Settlements  in  North  America, 
to  which  subject  almost  the  entire  volume  is  devoted.  It  is  an  inexhaustible 
u.ine  of  information,  to  which  the  more  careful  student  should  constantly  go 
in  connection  with  almost  all  of  the  lectures  on  America  and  France.  There 
is  a  chapter  devoted  to  Jacques  Cartier,  the  next  important  Frenchman  in 
America,  and  very  much  about  Cliamplain.  Verrazzano,  Cartier  and  Cham- 
])lain  are  also  all  most  interestingly  treated  by  Parkman,  in  his  Pioneers  of 
France  in  the  New  World.  Champlain's  own  writings,  which  have  been 
carefully  edited  by  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  should  be  consulted. 


The  eight  lectures  in  the  course  on  America  and  France  are  as  follows  : 
Champlain,  the  Founder  of  Quebec ;  La  Salle  and  the  French  in  the 
Great  West ;  The  Jesuit  Missionaries  in  America  ;  Wolfe  and  Montcalm  — 
the  Struggle  of  England  and  France  for  the  Continent ;  Franklin  in  France ; 
The  Friendship  of  Washington  and  Lafayette  ;  Thomas  Jefferscn  and  the 
Louisiana  Purchase  ;   The  Year  tj8q. 

In  connection  with  these  eight  subjects  we  here  recommend  to  the 
young  ijeople  the  following  eight  books.  Any  boy  or  girl  who  carefully 
reads  these  eight  books  will  well  understand  the  general  historical  relations 
of  America  and  France.  —  Parkman's  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World  ; 
Parkman's  La  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of  the  Great  West ;  Parkman's  The 
Jesuits  in  North  America;  Parkman's  Montcalm  and  Wolfe;  Edward 
Everett  Hale's  Franklin  in  France ;  Henry  Cabot  Lodge's  Life  of  Wash- 
ington ;  Morse's  Life  of  Jefferson  ;  Mifinet  a //istory  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion. The  Old  South  leaflet  on  the  French  Revolution"  (No.  8,  in  the  series 
for  1888),  with  its  references  to  books,  will  also  be  found  useful. 


The  subjects  proposed  for  the  Old  South  essays  for  1889  are  the 
following:  /.  French  Influence  on  American  Political  Thought  during  the 
Period  of  the  American  and  French  Revolutions.  II.  Washington's  Interest 
in  Education.  Discuss  especially  his  project  of  a  National  University.  The 
competition  for  the  Old  South  prizes  is  open  to  all  graduates  of  1888  and 
1889  from  the  various  Boston  high  schools.  The  first  prizes  are  forty 
dollars  ;  the  second  prizes,  twenty-five  dollars.  Circulars  with  full  informa- 
tion may  be  had  at  the  Old  South  Meeting  House. 


i'lAa»tfv  -^.v<*««y^)W»feiSx-'- 


'mi>im*mm^<i" 


fourth  volume  of  the 
he  shows  the  utter  in- 
ild  he  carefully  read  by 
xplortr,  containing  an 
W.  Greene's  essay  on 
ir,  1837,  etc. 
■al  Hhtory  of  America 
•nts  in  North  America, 
It  is  an  inexhaustible 
nt  should  constantly  go 
ka  and  France.  There 
portant  Frenchman  in 
mo,  Cartier  and  Chani- 
lan,  in  his  Pioneers  of 
ngs,  which  have  been 
yt  consulted. 


France  are  as  follows  : 
nd  the  French  in  the 
^olfe  and  Montcalm  — 
;  Franklin  in  France ; 
mas  yejferson  and  the 

jre  recommend  to  the 
or  girl  who  carefully 
ral  historical  relations 
nee  in  the  New  World  ; 
West ;  Parkman's  The 
and  Wolfe ;  Edward 
jodge's  Life  of  Wash- 
of  the  French  Revolu- 
\\  (No.  8,  in  the  series 
und  useful. 


ays  for  1889  are  the 
al  Thought  during  the 
Washington's  Interest 
'onal  University.  The 
graduates  of  1888  and 
;  first  prizes  are  forty 
liars  with  full  informa- 


(£>lD  -S>outlj  leaflets 


SEVENTH  SERIES,   1889. 


No.  a. 


Joliet  and  Mar- 
quette on  the 
Mississippi. 


R9?W 


r-ROM    MARQUETTE'S    "ACCOUNT   OF  THE   DISCOVERY    OF 

SOME   NEW   COUNTRIES   AND   NATIONS   IN 

NORTH   AMERICA,"    1673. 

I  embarked  with  M.  Joliet,  who  had  been  chosen  to  conduct 
this  enterprise,  on  the  13th  May,  1673,  with  five  other  French- 
men, in  two  baric  canoes.     We  laid  in   some   Indian  corn  and 
smoked  beef  for  our  voyage.     We  first  took  care,  however,  to 
dra^v  from  the  Indians  al!  the  information  we  could,  concerning 
the  countries  through  which  we  designed  to  travel,  and  drew 
up  a  map,  on  which  we  marked  down  the  rivers,  nations,  and 
points  of  the  compass  to  guide  us  in   our  journey.     The  first 
nation  we  came  to  was  called  the  FoUes-Avoines,  or  the  nation 
of  wild  oats.      I  entered  their  river  to  visit   them,  as   I    had 
preached  among  them  some  years  before.     The  wild  oats,  from 
which   they   derive   their   name,  grow   spontaneously   in   their 
country.     They  grow  in  marshy  ground,  and  are  not  unlike  our 
European  oats.     The  grain  is  not  thicker  than  ours,  but  it  is 
twice   as   long,  and   therefore  it  yields  much  more  meal.     It 
makes   its   appearance   in    June    and    does    not    ripen    until 
September.     In  this  month  the  Indians  go  to  shake  the  grain 
oil  the  ears  in  their  canoes,  which  easily  falls  if  it  be  ripe,  and 
which  afterwards  serves  them  for  food.     They  dry  it  over  a  fire, 
then  pack  it  away  in  a  kind  of  sack  made  of  the  skins  of  animals, 
and  having  made  a  hole  in  the  ground  they  put  the  sacks  there- 
in, and  tread  upon  it  until  the  chaff  is  separated  from  the  grain, 
and  then  winnow  it.     Afterwards  they  pound  it  in  a  mortar  to 
reduce  it  into  meal  ;   they  then  boil  it  in  water,  and  season  it 
with  grease,  which  makes  it  very  palatable. 

I  acquainted  them  with  my  design   of   discovering  other 


'A 


><     13*' 


nations,  to  preach  to  them  the  mysteries  of  our  holy  religion,  at 
which  they  were  much  surprised,  and  said  all  they  could  to 
dissuade  me  from  it.  They  told  me  I  would  meet  with  Indians 
who  spare  no  strangers,  and  whom  they  kill  without  any  provo- 
cation or  mercy ;  that  the  war  they  have  one  with  the  other 
would  expose  me  to  be  t<aken  by  their  warriors,  as  they  are 
constantly  on  the  look-out  to  surprise  their  enemies.  That  the 
Great  River  was  exceedingly  dangerous,  and  full  of  frightful 
monsters  who  devoured  men  and  canoes  together,  and  that  the 
heat  was  so  great  that  it  would  positively  cause  our  death.  I 
thanked  them  for  their  kind  advice,  but  told  them  I  would  not 
follow  it,  as  the  salvation  of  a  great  many  souls  was  concerned 
in  our  undertaking,  for  whom  I  should  be  glad  to  lose  my  life. 
I  added  that  I  defied  their  monsters,  and  their  information 
would  oblige  us  to  keep  more  upon  our  guard  to  avoid  a 
surprise.  And  having  prayed  with  them,  and  given  them  some 
instructions,  we  set  out  for  the  Bay  of  Puan  (Green  Bay),  where 
our  missionaries  had  been  successful  in  convening  them.  The 
name  they  give  to  this  bay  is  preferable  in  the  Indian  language 
to  ours ;  for,  according  to  the  word  they  make  use  of,  it  signifies 
Sa/t  Bay.  It  is  the  name  they  give  to  the  sea.  This  obliged  us 
to  inquire  whether  there  were  any  salt  springs  in  their  country, 
as  among  the  Iroquois,  but  they  could  not  tell  us  of  any. 

This  bay  (Green  Bay)  is  about  thirty  leagues  long,  and 
eight  broad  in  the  greatest  breadth ;  for  it  grows  narrower  and 
forms  a  cone  at  the  extremity.  It  has  tides  that  flow  and  ebb 
as  regular  as  the  sea.  We  left  this  bay  to  go  into  a  river  (Fox 
River)  that  discharges  itself  therein,  and  found  its  mouth  very 
broad  and  deep.  It  flows  very  gently,  but  after  we  had 
advanced  some  leagues  into  it  we  found  it  difficult  to  navigate, 
on  account  of  the  rocks  and  the  currents;  we  fortunately  over- 
came all  these  difficulties.  It  abounds  in  bustards,  ducks,  and 
other  birds,  which  are  attracted  there  by  the  wild  oats,  of  which 
they  are  very  fond.  We  next  came  to  a  village  of  the  Mask- 
outens,  or  nation  of  fife.  Here  I  had  the  curiosity  to  taste  some 
mireral  water  which  came  from  a  spring  on  the  banks  of  the 
river,  and  to  examine  a  plant  which  the  Indians  had  told  Father 
Allouez  was  a  specific  for  the  bite  of  snak«s.  The  root  of  this 
plant  is  very  hot,  and  tastes  like  gunpowder ;  they  chew  it,  and 
apply  it  to  the  part  of  the  body  that  has  been  stung.  This  cures 
the  wound.  The  snakes  have  such  an  antipathy  to  this  plant, 
that  they  run  away  from  a  man  who  has  his  body  rubbed  with 
it.     It  has  several  stalks  about  a  foot  in  length  ;  the  leaves  are 


1 


)ur  holy  religion,  at 
all  they  could    to 
meet  with  Indians 
without  any  piovo- 
Dne   with  the  other 
rriors,  as  they  are 
'enemies.     That  the 
ind  full  of  frightful 
ether,  and  that  the 
ause  our  death.     I 
them   I  would  not 
ouls  was  concerned 
ad  to  lose   my  life, 
their  information 
guard   to   avoid   a 
id  given  them  some 
(Green  Bay),  where 
verting  them.     The 
ihe  Indian  language 
ke  use  of,  it  signifies 
ea.     This  obliged  us 
gs  in  their  country, 
5ll  us  of  any. 
y  leagues  long,  and 
2;rows  narrower  and 
!S  that  flow  and  ebb 
go  into  a  river  (Fox 
)und  its  mouth  very 
but    after   we    had 
difficult  to  navigate, 
we  fortunately  over- 
bustards,  ducks,  and 
e  wild  oats,  of  which 
illage  of  the  Mask- 
iriosity  to  taste  some 
n  the  banks  of  the 
lians  had  told  Father 
5.     The  root  of  this 
■ ;  they  chew  it,  and 
:n  stung.    This  cures 
ipathy  to  this  plant, 
5  body  rubbed  with 
igth ;  the  leaves  are 


somewhat  long ;  the  flower  is  white,  and  the  whole  looks  like 
our  gilliflower.  I  put  one  into  our  canoe  to  examine  it  at  my 
leisure. 

The  French  have  never  before  passed  beyond  the  Bay  of 
Puan  (Green  Bay).  This  Bourg  consists  of  three  several 
nations,  viz.,  Miamies,  Maskoutens,  and  Kickapoos.  The  first 
are  more  docile  than  the  others,  better  formed,  and  more  liberal. 
They  wear  long  hair  over  their  cars,  which  gives  them  a  good 
appearance.  They  are  esteemed  good  warriors,  and  so  cunning 
that  they  never  return  from  their  warlike  excursions  without 
booty.  They  are  quick  to  learn  anything.  Father  Allouez  told 
me  that  they  were  so  desirous  to  be  instructed  that  they  would 
never  give  him  any  rest  at  night  The  Maskoutens  and  Kicka- 
poos are  more  robust,  and  resemble  our  peasants  more  than  the 
former.  As  the  bark  of  the  birch  tree  is  scarce  in  this  country, 
they  are  obliged  to  make  their  wigwams  with  rushes,  which 
serve  as  well  for  covering  them  as  for  walls.  It  must  be  owned 
that  they  are  convenient,  for  they  take  them  down  and  carry 
them  wherever  they  please,  without  any  trouble. 

When  f  arrived  there  I  was  very  glad  to  see  a  great  cross, 
set  up  in  the  middle  of  the  village,  adorned  with  several  white 
skins,  red  girdles,  bows  and  arrows,  which  the  converted  Indians 
had  offered  to  the  great  Manitou,  to  return  him  their  thanks  for 
the  care  he  had  taken  of  them  during  the  winter,  and  granting 
them  a  prosperous  hunting.  Manitou  is  the  name  they  give  in 
general  to  all  spirits  whom  they  think  to  be  above  the  nature  of 
man.  I  took  pleasure  in  looking  at  this  hoitrg.  It  is  beautifully 
situated  on  an  eminence,  from  whence  we  look  over  an  exten- 
sive prairie,  interspersed  with  groves  of  trees.  The  soil  is  very 
fertile,  and  produces  large  crops  of  corn.  The  Indians  also 
gather  large  quantities  of  grapes  and  plums.  As  soon  as  we 
had  arrived  we  assembled  the  chiefs  together,  and  informed 
them  that  we  had  been  sent  by  our  governor  to  discover  new 
countries,  and  teach  them  the  knowledge  of  their  Creator,  who 
being  absolute  master  of  all  his  creatures  will  have  all  nations 
to  know  him,  and  that  therefore  to  comply  with  his  will  we  did 
not  value  our  lives,  and  were  willing  to  subject  ourselves  to 
every  kind  of  danger,  adding  that  we  wished  them  to  furnish  us 
with  two  guides,  and  enforced  our  request  with  some  presents, 
which  were  kindly  accepted  by  them,  in  riiturn  for  which  they 
gave  us  mats,  with  which  we  made  our  beds  during  the  voyage. 
They  also  furnished  us  with  two  guides  to  accompany  us  for 
some  days. 


;•»»!"■  sswiiSfeaj^;.: 


-->fei!(i^S«^&*6Sfctf**'i'*^'^^'>--'*''S^ 


The  next  day,  heinj;  the  loth  of  Jime,  the  two  guides 
{Miamies)  eniharked  with  us  in  sij;ht  of  ail  .he  village,  who  were 
astonished  at  our  attempting  so  dangerous  an  expcdi'ion.  We 
were  informed  that  at  three  leagues  from  the  Mtukoutens,  we 
should  find  a  river  which  runs  into  the  Mississippi,  and  that  we 
were  to  go  to  the  v  ast-south-west  to  find  it,  but  there  were  .-.o 
many  marshes  and  lakes,  that  if  it  had  not  been  for  our  guides 
we  could  not  have  found  it.  The  river  upon  whicii  we  rowed 
and  had  to  carry  our  canoes  from  one  to  the  other,  looked  more 
like  a  corn-field  than  a  river,  insomuch  that  we  could  hardly  find 
its  channel.  As  our  guides  had  been  f  jquently  at  this  portage, 
they  knew  the  way,  and  helped  us  to  carry  our  canoes  overland 
into  the  other  river,  distant  about  two  miles  and  a  half ;  from 
whence  they  returned  home,  leaving  us  in  an  unknown  country, 
having  nothing  to  rely  upon  but  Divine  Providence.  We  now 
left  the  water:  which  extend  to  Quebec,  about  five  or  six 
hundred  leagues,  to  take  those  which  would  lead  us  hereafter 
into  strange  lands. 

Before  embarking  we  all  offered  up  prayers  to  the  Holy 
Virgin,  which  we  continued  to  do  every  morning,  placing  our- 
selves and  the  events  of  the  journey  under  her  protection,  and 
alter  having  encouraged  each  other,  we  got  into  our  canoes. 
The  river  upon  which  we  embarked  is  called  Mesconsin  (Wis- 
consin) ;  the  river  is  very  \vid(!,  but  the  sand  bars  make  it  very 
difficult  to  navigate,  which  in  increased  by  numerous  islands 
covered  with  grape  vines.  I'he  country  through  which  it  flows 
is  be;iutiful ;  the  groves  are  so  dispersed  in  the  prairies  that  it 
makes  a  noble  prospect ;  and  the  fruit  of  the  trees  shows  a 
fertile  soil.  These  groves  are  full  of  walnut,  oak,  and  other 
trees  unknown  to  us  in  Europe.  We  saw  neither  game  nor  fish, 
but  roebuck  and  buffaloes  in  great  numbers.  After  having 
navigated  thirty  leagues  we  discovered  some  iron  mines,  and 
one  of  our  company  who  had  seen  such  mines  before,  said  these 
were  very  rich  in  ore.  They  are  covered  with  about  three  feet 
of  soil,  and  situate  near  a  chain  of  rocks,  whose  base  is  covered 
with  fine  timber.  After  having  rode  ten  leagues  further,  making 
forty  leagues  from  the  place  where  we  had  embarked,  we  came 
into  the  Mississippi  on  the  17th  June  (1673). 

The  mouth  of  the  Mesconsin  (Wisconsin)  is  in  about  42^° 
N.  lat.  Behold  us,  then,  upon  this  celebrated  river,  whose 
singularities  I  have  attentively  studied.  The  Mississippi  takes 
its  rise  in  several  lakes  in  the  North.  Its  channel  is  very 
narrow  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mesconsin,  and  runs  south  until  it  is 


^t ;  t  J.       ,  ,    , 


the  two  guides 
L'  village,  who  were 

)  expecliion.     We 

M.  A/asA,iu/e»s,  we 
sippi,  and  that  we 
l)iit  there  were  .-.o 

en  for  our  guides 
n  which  we  rowed 
other,  looked  more 
'e  could  hardly  find 
itly  at  this  portage, 
ir  canoes  overland 
s  and  a  half ;  from 
unknown  country, 
vidcnce.  We  now 
about  five   or   six 

lead  us  hereafter 

ayers  to  the  Holy 
rning,  placing  our- 
ler  protection,  and 
It  into  our  canoes, 
d  Mesconsin  (Wis- 
bars  make  it  very 
'  numerous  islands 
ugh  which  it  flows 
the  prairies  that  it 
the  trees  shows  a 
nit,  oak,  and  other 
ther  game  nor  fish, 
rs.  After  having 
le  iron  mines,  and 
s  before,  said  these 
h  about  three  feet 
3se  base  is  covered 
jes  further,  making 
mbarked,  we  came 

)  is  in  about  42^° 
rated  river,  whose 
Mississippi  takes 
5  channel  is  very 
ms  south  until  it  is 


.;* 


'■•^ 


5 

affected  by  very  higl-.  iiills.  Its  current  is  slow,  because  of  its 
depth.  In  sounding  we  found  nineteen  fathoms  of  water.  A 
little  further  on  it  widens  nearly  three-quarters  of  a  league,  and 
the  width  continues  to  be  more  equal.  We  slowly  followed  its 
course  to  the  south  and  south-east  to  the  42°  N.  lat.  Here  we 
perceived  the  country  change  its  appearance.  There  were 
scarcely  any  more  woods  or  mountains.  'I'he  islands  are 
covered  with  fine  trees,  but  we  could  not  see  any  more  roebucks, 
buffaloes,  bustards,  and  swans.  We  met  from  time  to  time 
monstrous  tish,  which  struck  so  violently  against  our  canoes, 
that  at  first  we  took  them  to  be  large  trees,  which  threatened  to 
upset  us.  We  saw  also  a  hideous  monster;  his  head  was  like 
that  of  a  tiger,  his  nose  was  sharp,  and  somewhat  resembled  a 
.vildcat ;  his  beard  was  long ;  his  ears  stood  upright;  the  color 
of  his  head  was  gray;  and  his  neck  black.  He  looked  upon  us 
for  some  time,  but  as  we  came  near  him  our  oars  frightened  him 
away.  When  we  threw  our  nets  into  the  water  we  caught  an 
abundance  of  sturgeons,  and  another  kind  of  fish  like  our  trout, 
e,\cept  that  the  eyes  and  nose  are  much  smaller,  and  they  have 
near  the  nose  a  bone  like  a  woman's  busk,  three  inches  broad 
and  a  foot  and  a  half  long,  the  end  of  which  is  flat  and  broad, 
and  when  it  leaps  out  ol  the  water  the  weight  of  it  throws  it  on 
its  back. 

Having  descended  the  river  as  far  as  41°  28',  we  found  that 
turkeys  look  the  place  of  game,  and  the  Pisikious  that  of  other 
animals.  We  called  the  Pisikious  wild  buffaloes,  because  they 
very  much  resemble  our  domestic  oxen  ;  they  are  not  so  long, 
but  twice  as  large.  We  shot  one  of  them,  and  it  was  as  much 
as  thirteen  men  could  do  to  drag  him  from  the  place  where  lie 
fell.  They  have  an  enormous  head,  their  forehead  is  broad  and 
flat,  and  their  horns,  between  which  there  is  at  least  a  foot  and 
a  half  distance,  are  all  black  and  much  longer  than  our 
European  oxen.  They  have  a  hump  on  the  back,  and  their 
head,  breast,  and  a  pari  of  the  shoulders  are  co.'ered  with  long 
hair.  They  have  in  the  middle  of  their  forehead  an  ugly  tuft  of 
long  hair,  which,  falling  down  over  their  eyes,  blinds  them  in  a 
manner,  and  makes  them  look  hideous.  I'he  rest  of  the  body 
is  covered  with  curled  hair,  or  rather  wool  like  our  sheep,  but 
much  thicker  and  stronger.  They  shed  their  hair  in  summer, 
and  their  skin  is  as  soft  as  velvet,  leaving  nothing  but  a  short 
down.  The  Indians  use- their  skins  for  cloaks,  which  they  paint 
with  figures  of  several  colors.  Their  flesh  and  fat  is  "xcellent, 
and  the  best  dish  of  the  Indians,  who  kill  a  great  many  of  them. 


'■;* 


i 


ff 


Tliey  are  very  fierce  and  danjjeroiis,  and  if  they  can  book  a  man 
with  their  horns,  they  toss  iiiin  up  and  then  tre  (1  upon  him. 
The  Indians  hide  themselves  when  they  shoot  at  them,  other- 
wise they  would  be  in  great  danger  of  losing  their  lives.  They 
follow  them  al  great  distances  till,  by  loss  of  blood,  they  are 
unable  to  hurt  or  def'^nd  themselves.  They  graze  upon  the 
banks  of  rivers,  and  I  have  seen  four  hundred  in  a  herd 
together. 

We  continued  to  descend  the  river,  not  knowing  where  we 
were  going,  and  having  made  an  hundred  leagues  without  seeing 
anything  but  wild  beasts  and  birds,  and  being  on  our  guard  we 
landed  at  night  to  make  our  fire  and  prepare  our  repast,  and 
then  left  the  shore  to  anchor  in  tho  river,  while  one  of  us 
watched  by  turns  to  prevent  a  surprise.  We  went  south  and 
south-west  until  we  found  ourselves  in  about  the  latitude  of  40° 
and  some  minutes,  having  rowed  more  than  sixty  leagues  since 
we  entered  the  river.  On  the  25th  June  we  went  ashore,  and 
found  some  traces  of  men  upon  the  sand,  and  a  path  which  led 
into  a  large  prairie.  We  judged  it  led  to  an  Indian  village,  and 
concluded  to  examine  it.  We  therefore  left  our  canoes  in 
charge  of  our  men,  while  M.  Joliet  and  I  went  to  explore  it ;  a 
bold  undertaking  for  two  men  in  a  savage  country.  We  followed 
this  little  path  in  silence  about  two  leagues,  when  we  discovered 
a  village  on  the  banks  of  a  river,  and  two  others  on  a  hill  about 
half  a  league  from  the  first.  We  now  commended  ourselves  to 
God,  and  having  implored  his  help,  we  came  so  near  to  the 
Indians  that  we  could  hear  them  talk.  We  now  thought  it  time 
to  make  ourselves  known  to  them  by  screaming  aloud.  At  the 
sound  of  our  voices,  the  Indians  left  their  huts,  and  probably 
taking  us  for  Frenchmen,  one  of  us  having  a  black  robe  on,  and 
seeing  but  two  of  us,  and  being  warned  of  our  arrival,  they  sent 
four  old  men  to  speak  to  us,  two  of  whom  brought  pipes, 
ornamented  with  different  colored  feathers.  Thev  marched 
slowly,  without  saying  a  word,  but  presenting  their  pipes  to  the 
sun,  as  if  they  wished  it  to  smoke  them. 

They  were  a  long  time  coming  from  their  .illage,  but  as 
soon  as  they  came  near,  they  halted  to  take  a  view  of  us,  and 
seeing  the  ceremonies  they  performed,  and  especially  seeing 
them  covered  with  cloth,  we  judged  that  they  were  our  allies. 
I  then  spoke  to  them,  and  they  said  that  they  were  Illinois,  and 
as  a  sign  of  friendship  they  presented  us  their  pipes  to  smoke. 
They  invited  us  to  their  village,  where  all  the  people  had 
impatiently  waited   for  u^.      These  pipes  are   called  by  the 


■ftfcJ^wtrt^rwM*. 


■■■ T- '•inn  tiiriiffiiiiiiUM  ■ 


11 

,1 


ley  can  hook  a  mnn 

|n  tre  (1  upon   him. 

loot  at  thtMti,  other- 

their  lives.     They 

of  blood,  they  are 

ley  j;raze   upon   the 

mndred    in    a    herd 

knowing  where  we 
ijjues  without  seeing 
g  on  our  guard  we 
ue  our  repast,  and 
',  while  one   of   us 
Ve  went  south  and 
the  latitude  of  40' 
sixty  leagues  since 
vc  went  ashore,  and 
id  a  path  which  led 
Indian  village,  and 
left  our  canoes   in 
^ent  to  explore  it ;  a 
untry.    We  followed 
when  we  discovered 
hers  on  a  hill  about 
landed  ourselves  to 
ime  so  near  to  the 
now  thought  it  time 
ling  aloud.     At  the 
r  huts,  and  probably 
1  black  robe  on,  and 
lur  arrival,  they  sent 
liom  brought  pipes, 
rs.     The^   marched 
g  their  pipes  to  the 

their  .illage,  but  as 
ke  a  view  of  us,  and 
d  especially  seeing 
ey  were  our  allies. 
:y  were  Illinois,  and 
ir  pipes  to  smoke, 
ill  the  people  had 
are   called  by  the 


Indians  calumets,  and  as  this  word  is  so  common  among  them, 
I  sImII  make  use  of  it  in  future,  when  I  want  to  speak  of  pipes. 
At  the  door  of  the  cabin  in  which  we  were  to  be  re(  eivcd,  we 
lound  an  old  man  in  a  very  remarkable  posture,  which  is  the 
usual  ceremony  in  receiving  strangers.  Me  was  standing  up,  all 
naked,  with  his  hands  lifted  up  to  Heaven,  as  if  he  wished  to 
screen  himself  from  the  rays  of  the  sun,  which  nevertheless 
passed  through  his  fingers  to  his  face.  When  we  came  near  to 
him,  he  said,  "  What  a  fair  day.  Frenchmen,  this  is  to  come  to 
visit  us !  All  our  people  have  wailed  for  thee,  and  thou  shalt 
enter  our  cabin  in  peace."  He  then  look  us  into  his,  where 
there  were  a  crowd  of  people  who  devoured  us  with  their  eyes, 
but  who  kept  a  profound  silence.  We  only  occasionally  heaul 
these  words  in  a  low  voice,  "  These  are  our  brothers  who  have 
come  to  see  us." 


In  June,  1541,  the  Mi.HHissiip])!  river  was  iliscovered  liy  P'erdin.ind  de 
Soto,  probably  at  the  lowest  Chick.isaw  llliiff,  twenty  or  thirty  miles  below 
the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas  river;  and  during  the  year,  he  may  have  e.\plorcd 
tlie  river  as  far  north  as  the  Missouri.  The  nc.\t  May,  he  died  upon  its 
banks.  "His  soldiers  pronounced  his  eulof;y  by  grieving  for  their  loss; 
the  priests  chanted  over  his  body  the  first  retiuienis  that  were  ever  heard 
on  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi.  To  conceal  his  death,  his  body  was 
wrap|>ed  in  a  mantle  and,  hi  the  stillness  of  midnight,  wa.s  silently  sunk  in 
the  middle  of  the  stream.  The  discoverer  of  the  Mississippi  slept  l)enealh 
its  w.-iters.  He  had  crossed  a  large  part  of  the  continent  in  search  of  gold, 
and  found  nothing  so  remarkable  as  his  burial- place." 

It  was  132  years  after  the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi  by  De  Soto 
before  Europeans  again  floated  on  its  waters  —  again  in  the  month  of  June, 
but  far  to  the  north.  These  new  discoverers  were  Frenchmen,  Louis  Jolict 
and  Father  James  Marquette.  Joliet,  who  was  born  at  (Juebec  in  1645  and 
educated  in  the  Jesuit  college  there,  was  charged  by  Frontcnac,  the  gov- 
ernor of  Canada  or  New  Francr,  with  the  enterprise  of  finding  the  Mis- 
sissippi—  as  being,  wrote  Fronlenac,  "a  man  very  experienced  in  these 
kinds  of  discoveries,  and  who  had  l)ecn  already  very  near  this  river."  A 
single  assistant  and  a  bark  canoe  were  all  the  aid  which  the  government 
gave  him.  He  reached  the  Straits  of  Mackinaw  Dec.  8,  1672,  and  there 
spent  the  winter  with  Father  Marquette,  a  Jesuit  mi.ssionary,  who,  driven 
with  his  Huron  flock  from  the  head  of  Lake  Superior  by  the  .Sioux,  had 
founded  the  mission  of  St.  Ignace  and  built  a  church  more  than  a  year 
before.  Marquette  had  already  heard  of  the  Mississippi  from  the  lilinoi.s 
Indians,  and  during  the  winter  Joliet  questioned  Indianu  who  had  seen  the 


f 

rf 


'• 


k 


I ",» 


■t«j»w*s»^»wj-ir,yimi.i-  r.^wjfcjaa^t^^i' a-.lt;ia;;ag4^;;^^ 


river  »n  to  h%  coiirne  anil  the  tritieii  on  its  nhorpii.  Thirty  year*  lieforo, 
NIcolct  had  explored  Wisconsin  waltrs  which  Howcd  into  the  (irfa/  It'i.ffr  ; 
and  !Mf  nimli  liail  liecomc  known  of  the  MUsiHNippi  when  Father  Dablon 
pul)li«hcd  the  A'l/ii/iom  oi  i6;o-'7i,  with  a  map  of  Lake  Superior,  that  he 
alliideit  to  the  MisHimiippi,  in  his  dcitcription  of  the  n>iip,  an  follows*  ;  "'I'o 
thf  /touth  tlows  the  jjreat  river,  wliich  Ihi-y  rail  the  MiM»is>tippi,  which  can 
have  its  inoiilh  only  in  the  Klorida  mm,  more  than  four  hundred  leagues 
from  here."  Joliet  anil  Nfarqucttc  drew  up  a  rude  map  of  the  river  from 
such  information  aH  they  had  ;  and  Marijuuttc,  who  eamrly  embraced  the 
opportunity  to  accompany  Joliet,  entered  in  his  notelMiok  many  fKcts  of 
possible  value.  "  We  took  all  possible  precautions,"  he  says,  "  that,  if  our 
enterprise  w.is  hazardous,  it  should  not  lie  fool-hardy."  t)n  May  17, 
1673,  *"'•''  '•*''-■  T''y<iM'eiirs  and  two  birch-bark  canoes,  they  set  out.  It 
is  from  Marquette's  own  story  of  the  voyage  and  discovery  that  the 
passage  given  in  the  present  leaflet  is  taken.  The  entire  story,  of 
which  not  (piitc  half  is  liere  given,  and  which  proceeds  to  recount 
their  voyage  as  far  so..th  as  the  Arkansas  river  and  their  return  by  the 
Illinois  river  to  the  jiresent  site  of  Chicago  on  Lake  Michigan,  will 
presently  be  added  to  the  f;tiier,U  series  of  Old  South  I.eatlets.  It  may 
be  found  in  Shea's  Disforery  and  Kxf'/onitioii  of  Hit  Mississififi  I'alley, 
together  with  a  fac-sinule  of  the  interesting  map  drawn  by  Father  Mar(|uette 
at  the  time.  It  may  also  Ik;  found  in  French's  llistoricat  Colledions  of 
Loui.:iatM,  part  ii,  (1850).  .Mr.  Shea's  book  gives  a  biography  of  Marquette, 
containing  valuable  extract.s  from  hi.s  accounts  of  his  missionary  work 
among  the  Indians  by  lake  Superior,  and  also  translations  of  many  import- 
tant  original  papers  illustrating  the  careers  in  the  West  of  Father  Hablon, 
Father  Allouez,  F'ather  Hennepin,  and  that  most  ambitious  and  adventurous 
of  all  the  Frenchmen  in  the  great  West,  I.a  Salle.  There  are  lives  of  both 
La  Salle  and  Marquette,  by  Sparks.  Mr.  Winsor's  chapter  on  "  Joliet, 
Marquette  and  La  Salle,"  in  the  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America, 
vol,  iv,  is  invaluable  for  its  bibliographical  references.  Hut  here,  too,  Park- 
man  is  still  the  popular  writer.  His  La  Salle  and  the  Discen^ery  of  the  Great 
West  contains  a  special  chapter  (chap,  v)  on  Joliet  and  Marquette's  discovery 
of  the  Mississippi. 


^ 


W^fF 


I 


I.  'I'hirty  year*  l)eforf, 
;l  into  the-  (,'>f,i/  U'l.lfr  ; 
\i\  wlu'ii  Father  Diihlmi 
Lake  Sii|K>rior,  that  he 
miip,  an  follows  :  "To 
MiHHiHHippi,  which  can 
II  four  hundred  leagiiCH 
map  of  the  river  from 
[)  caj{iily  embraced  the 
iitelMiolc  manv  f;*ctx  of 
"  he  sayst,  "  that,  if  our 
hardy."  On  May  17, 
IOCS,  they  set  out.  It 
md  disiruvery  that  the 
The  entire  story,  of 
I  procecdn  to  recount 
nd  their  return  by  the 
I  I,al(e  Miclii);an,  will 
outh  I.eatiets.  It  may 
'  t/i*  Mhsissififii  f  'itlUy, 
Nn  by  Father  Mar(|uette 
(istorical  Collections  of 
>iography  of  Mar(|uette, 
if  his  missionary  work 
ilations  of  many  import- 
^'est  of  Father  Dablon, 
bitious  ami  adventurous 
There  are  lives  of  both 
■'s  chapter  on  "  Joliet, 
kal  History  of  Anttrica, 
I.  Hut  here,  too,  Park- 
i  Discm'ery  of  tkt  Great 
A  Marquette's  discovery 


(DID  ^oiitli  UraflrtjT. 

.>»l':VKNTII    .SKHIK->,  iHM,,.  No.  j. 

Mr.  Parkman's 
Histories. 


CHAMPLAIN   ON    TIIK  COAST  OF    \F\V    KNfW.ANI). 

Weary  of  St.  Croix,  De  Monts  resolved  to  seek  out  a  more 
auspicious  site,  on  which  to  rear  the  capital  of  his  wilderness 
dominion.  During  the  preceding  Septen)l)er,  Chainplain  had 
ranged  the  westward  coast  in  a  pinnace,  visited  and  named  the 
island  of  Mount  Desert,  and  entered  the  mouth  of  the  river 
Penobscot,  called  i)y  him  tiie  Pemetigoet,  or  Penlegoet,  and 
jireviously  known  to  fiir-traders  and  fishermen  as  the  Norem- 
bega,  a  name  which  it  shared  with  all  the  adjacent  region.' 
Now,  i'ml)arking  a  second  time,  in  a  bark  of  fifteen  tons,  with 
De  Monts,  several  genileinen,  twenty  sailors,  -•."  '  an  Indian 
with  his  squaw,  he  set  forth  on  the  eighteenth  of  June  (1605) 
on  a  second  voyage  of  discovery.  They  coasted  the  strangely 
indented  shores  of  Maine,  with  its  reefs  and  surf-washed  islands, 
rocky  headlands,  and  deep  embosomed  bays,  passed  Moimt 
Desert  and  the  Penobscot,  explored  the  mouths  of  the  Kenne- 
bec, crossed  Casco  Hay,  and  desc:ied  the  distant  peaks  of  the 
White  Mountains.  The  ninth  of  July  brought  them  to  Saco 
Bay.  They  were  now  within  the  limits  of  a  group  of  tribes  who 
were  called  by  the  French  the  Armouchiquois,  and  who  included 
tho.se  whom  the  English  afterwards  called  the  Massachusetts. 
They  differed  in  habits  as  well  as  in  language  from  the  Etech- 
emins  and  Micmacs  of  Acadia,  for  they  were  lillers  of  the  soil, 
and  around  their  wigwams  were  fields  of  maize,  beans,  pump- 


-<••. 


■  The  earliest  maps  and  narratives  indicate  a  city,  also  called  Noi;m- 
bega,  on  the  banks  of  the  Penobscot.  The  pilot,  Jean  Alphonse,  of  Sain- 
tonge,  says  that  this  fabulous  city  is  fifteen  or  twenty  leagues  from  the  sea, 
and  that  its  inhal.itants  are  of  small  stature  antl  dark  complexion.  As 
late  as  1607  the  fable  was  repeated  in  the  I/isioire  Universale  ties  /tides 
Occidentales. 


1%^vf0S!S»^^^^*'*^ 


kins,  squashes,  tobrcco,  and  the  so-called  Jerusa'eni  artichoke. 
Near  Prout's  Neck,  more  than  eighty  of  them  ran  down  to  the 
shore  to  meet  the  strangers,  dancing  and  yeljiing  to  show  their 
joy.  They  had  a  fort  of  palisades  on  a  rising  ground  by  the 
Saco,  for  they  were  at  deadly  war  with  their  neighbors  towards 
the  east. 

On  the  twelfth,  the  French  resumed  their  voyage,  and,  like 
some  adventurous  party  of  pleasure,  held  their  course  by  the 
beaches  of  York  and  Wells,  Portsmouth  Harbor,  the  Isles  of 
Shoals,  Rye  Beach  and  Hampton  Beach,  till,  on  the  fift  •enth, 
they  descried  the  dim  outline  of  Cape  Ann.  Champlain  called 
it  Cap  aux  Isles,  from  the  three  adjacent  islands,  and  in  a  sub- 
sequent voyage  he  gave  the  name  of  Beauport  to  the  neighbor- 
ing harbor  of  Gloucester.  Thence  steering  southward  and 
westward,  they  entered  Massachusetts  Bay,  gave  the  name  of 
Rivifere  du  Guast  to  a  river  flowing  into  it,  probably  the  Charles; 
passed  the  islands  of  Boston  Harbor,  which  Champlain  describes 
as  covered  with  trees,  and  were  met  on  the  way  by  great  num- 
bers of  canoes  filled  with  astonished  Indians.  On  Sunday,  the 
seventeenth,  they  passed  Point  Allerton  and  Nantasket  Beach, 
coasted  the  shores  of  Cohasset,  Scituate,  and  Marshfield,  and 
anchored  for  the  night  near  Brant  Point.  On  the  morning  of 
the  eighteenth,  a  head  wind  forced  them  to  take  shelter  in  Port 
St.  Louis,  for  so  they  called  the  harbor  of  Plymouth,  where  the 
Pilgrims  made  their  memorable  landing  fifteen  years  later. 
Indian  wigwams  and  garden  patches  lined  the  shore.  A  troop 
of  the  inhabitants  came  down  to  the  beach  and  danced,  whi'.e 
others,  who  had  been  fishing,  approached  in  :heir  canoes,  came 
on  board  the  vessel,  and  showed  Champlain  their  fish-hooks, 
consisting  of  a  barbed  bone  lashed  at  an  acute  angle  to  a  slip 
of  wood. 

From  Plymouth  the  party  circled  round  the  bay,  doubled 
Cape  Cod,  called  by  Champlain  Cap  Blanc,  from  its  glisten'ng 
white  sands,  and  steered  southward  to  Nausett  Harbor,  "•'ach, 
by  reason  of  its  shoals  and  sand-bars,  they  named  Port  Malle- 
barre.  Here  their  prosperity  deserted  them.  A  party  of  sail- 
ors went  behind  the  sand-banks  to  find  fresh  water  at  a  spring, 
when  an  Indipn  snatched  a  kettle  from  one  of  them,  and  its 
owner,  pursuing,  fell,  pierced  with  arrows  by  the  robber's  com- 
rades. The  French  in  the  vessel  opened  fire.  Champlain's 
arquebuse  burst,  and  was  near  killing  him,  while  the  Indians, 
swift  as  deer,  quickly  gained  the  woods.  Several  of  the  tribe 
chanced  ^o  be  on  board  the  vessel,  but  flung  themselves  with 


;rusa'em  artichoke. 
:m  ran  down  to  the 

ping  to  show  their 
iing  ground  by  the 

neighbors  towards 

r  voyage,  and,  like 

leir  course  by  the 

arbor,  the  Isles  of 

11,  on  the  fift'enth, 

Champlain  called 

inds,  and  in  a  sub- 

)rt  to  the  neighbor- 

ng   southward   and 

,  gave  the  name  of 

obably  the  Charles; 

hainplain  describes 

way  by  great  num- 

1.     On  Sunday,  the 

1  Nantasket  Beach, 

nd  Marshfield,  and 

On  the  morning  of 

take  shelter  in  Port 

Plymouth,  where  the 

fifteen   years   later. 

the  shore.     A  troop 

1  and  danced,  whi'.e 

:heir  canoes,  came 

lin  their  fish-hooks, 

;ute  angle  to  a  slip 

id  the  bay,  doubled 
,  from  its  glisten'iig 
isett  Harbor,  "-'.ich, 
named  Port  Malle- 
n.  A  party  of  sail- 
1  water  at  a  spring, 
le  of  them,  and  its 
y  the  robber's  com- 
fire.  Champlain's 
while  the  Indians, 
several  of  the  tribe 
ng  themselves  with 


such  alacrity  into  the  water  that  only  one  was  caught.  They 
bound  him  hand  and  foot,  but  soon  after  humanely  set  him  at 
liberty. 

Champlain,  who  we  are  told  "delighted  marvellously  in 
these  enterprises,"  had  busied  himself  throughout  the  voyage 
with  taking  observations,  making  charts,  and  studying  the  won 
ders  of  land  and  sea.  The  "horse-foot  crab"  seems  to  have 
awakened  his  special  curiosity,  and  he  describes  it  with  amusing 
exactness.  Of  the  human  tenants  of  the  New  England  coast 
he  has  also  left  the  first  precise  and  trustworthy  account.  They 
were  clearly  m6re  numerous  than  when  the  Puritans  landed  at 
Plymouth,  since  in  the  interval  a  pestilence  made  great  havoc 
among  them.  But  Champlain's  most  conspicuous  merit  lies  in 
the  light  that  he  tiiicw  into  the  dark  places  of  American  geog- 
raphy, and  the  order  that  he  brought  out  of  the  chaos  of  Amer- 
ican cartography,  for  it  was  a  result  of  this  and  the  rest  of  his 
voyages  that  precision  and  clearness  began  at  last  to  supplant 
•  he  vagueness,  confusion,  and  contradiction  of  the  earlier  map- 
makers.  —  From  27u  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World. 


LA   SALLE  AND   FRONTENAC.  r 

We  turn  from  the  humble  Marquette,  thanking  God  with 
his  last  breath  that  he  died  for  his  Order  and  his  Faith  ;  and  by 
our  side  stands  the  masculine  form  of  Cavelier  de  la  Salle. 
Prodigious  was  the  contrast  between  the  two  discoverers :  the 
one,  with  clasped  hands  and  upturned  eyes,  seems  a  figure 
evoked  from  some  dim  legend  of  mediaeval  saintship  ;  the  other, 
with  feet  firm  planted  on  the  hard  earth,  breathes  the  self- 
relying  energies  of  modern  practical  enterprise.  Nevertheless, 
La  Salle's  enemies  called  him  a  visionary.  His  projects  per- 
plexed and  startled  them.  At  first,  they  ridiculed  him ;  and 
then,  as  step  by  step  he  advanced  towards  his  purpose,  they 
denounced  and  maligned  him.  What  was  this  purpose?  It 
was  not  of  sudden  growth,  but  developed  as  years  went  on. 
La  Salle  at  La  Chine  dreamed  of  a  western  passage  to  China, 
and  nursed  vague  schemes  of  western  discovery.  Then,  when 
his  earlier  journeyings  revealed  to  him  the  valley  of  the  Ohio 
and  the  fertile  plains  of  Illir.ois,  his  imagination  took  wing  over 
the  boundless  prairies  and  forests  drained  by  the  great  river  of 
the  West.     His  ambition  had  found  its  field.     He  would  leave 


■m^^ 


r^ 


barren  and  frozen  Canada  behind,  and  lead  France  and  civiliza- 
tion into  tiie  valley  of  the  Mississippi.  Neither  the  English  nor 
the  Jesuits  should  conquer  that  rich  domain  :  the  one  must  rest 
content  with  the  country  east  of  the  Alleghanies,  and  the  other 
with  the  forests,  savages,  and  beaver-skins  of  the  northern  lakes. 
It  was  for  him  to  cal!  into  light  the  latent  riches  of  the  great 
West.  But  the  way  to  his  land  of  promise  was  rough  and  long : 
it  lay  through  Canada,  filled  with  hostile  traders  and  hostile 
priests,  and  barred  by  ice  for  half  the  year.  The  difficulty  was 
soon  solved.  La  Salle  became  convinced  that  the  Mississippi 
flowed,  not  into  the  Pacific  or  the  Gulf  of  California,  but  into 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  By  a  fortified  post  at  its  mouth,  he  could 
guard  it  against  both  English  and  Spaniards,  and  secure  for  the 
trade  of  the  interior  an  access  and  an  outlet  under  his  own  con- 
trol, and  open  at  every  season.  Of  this  trade,  the  hides  of  the 
bufTalo  would  at  first  form  the  staple ;  and,  along  with  furs, 
would  reward  the  enterprise  till  other  resources  should  be 
developed. 

Such  were  the  vast  projects  that  unfolded  themselves  in 
the  mind  of  La  Salle.  Canada  must  needs  be,  at  the  outset, 
his  base  of  action,  and  without  the  support  of  its  authorities  he 
could  do  nothing.  This  support  he  found.  From  the  moment 
when  Count  Frontenac  assumed  the  government  of  the  colony, 
he  seems  to  have  looked  with  favor  on  the  young  discoverer. 
There  were  points  of  likeness  between  the  two  men.  Both 
were  ardent,  bold,  and  enterprising.  The  irascible  and  fiery 
pride  of  the  noble  found  its  match  in  the  reserved  and  seem- 
ingly cold  pride  of  the  ambitious  burgher.  Each  could  com- 
prehend the  other;  and  they  had,  moreover,  strong  prejudices 
and  dislikes  in  common.  An  understanding,  not  to  say  an 
alliance,  soon  grew  up  between  them. 

Frontenac  had  come  to  Canada  a  ruined  man.  He  was 
ostentatious,  lavish,  and  in  no  way  disposed  to  let  slip  an 
opportunity  of  mending  his  fortune.  He  presently  thought  that 
he  had  found  a  plan  by  which  he  could  serve  both  the  colony 
and  himself.  His  predecessor,  Courcelle,  had  urged  upon  the 
king  the  expediency  of  building  a  fort  on  Lake  Ontario,  in 
order  to  hold  the  Iroquois  in  check  and  intercept  the  trade 
which  the  tribes  of  the  Upper  Lakes  had  begun  to  carry  on 
with  the  Dutch  and  English  of  New  York.  Thus,  a  stream  of 
wealth  would  be  turned  into  Canada,  which  would  otherwise 
enrich  her  enemies.  Here,  to  all  appearance,  was  a  great 
public  good,  and  from  the  military  point  of  view  it  was  so  in 


•"ranee  ami  civiliza- 
ler  the  English  nor 

the  one  must  rest 
niies,  and  the  other 
the  northern  lakes, 
riches  cf  the  great 
as  rough  and  long : 
raders  and  hostile 

The  difficulty  was 
hat  the  Mississippi 
California,  but  into 
its  mouth,  he  could 
and  secure  for  the 
under  his  own  con- 
de,  the  hides  of  the 
d,  along  with  furs, 
sources   should   be 

)lded  themselves  in 

s  be,  at  the  outset, 

of  its  authorities  he 

From  the  moment 

ment  of  the  colony, 

e  young  discoverer. 

le    two    men.     Both 

irascible  and   fiery 

reserved  and  seem- 

Each  could  com- 

!r,  strong  prejudices 

ling,  not   to  say  an 

ined  man.     He  was 

osed  to  let  slip   an 

esently  thought  that 

rve  both  the  colony 

lad  urged  upon  the 

n    Lake  Ontario,  in 

intercept  the  trade 

begun  to  carry  on 

Thus,  a  stream  of 

ch   would  otherwise 

ranee,  was   a   great 

)f  view  it  was  so  in 


5 

fact;  but  it  was  clear  that  the  trade  thus  secured  might  be 
made  to  profit,  not  the  colony  at  large,  but  those  alone  who 
had  control  of  the  fort,  which  would  then  become  the  instru- 
ment of  a  monopoly.  This  the  governor  understood  ;  and, 
without  doubt,  he  meant  that  the  projected  establishment 
should  pay  him  tribute.  How  far  he  and  La  Salle  were  acting 
in  concurrence  at  this  time,  it  is  not  easy  to  say  ;  but  Frontenac 
often  took  counsel  of  the  explorer,  who,  on  his  part,  saw  in  the 
design  a  possible  first  step  towards  the  accomplishment  of  his 
own  far-reaching  schemes.  —  From  La  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of 
the  Gnat  West.  

THE  JESUIT  MISSIONARIES   IN  CANADA. 

Canada  was  a  true  child  of  the  Church,  baptized  in  infancy 
and  faithful  to  the  last.  Champlain,  the  founder  of  Quebec,  a 
man  of  noble  spirit,  a  statesman  and  a  soldier,  was  deeply 
imbued  with  fervid  piety.  "  The  saving  of  a  soul,"  he  would 
often  say,  "  is  worth  more  than  the  conquest  of  an  empire  ; " 
and  to  forward  the  work  of  conversion,  he  brought  with  him 
four  Franciscan  monks  from  France.  At  a  later  period,  the 
task  of  colonization  would  have  been  abandoned,  but  for  the 
hope  of  casting  the  pure  light  of  the  faith  over  the  gloomy 
wastes  of  heathendom.  AH  France  was  filled  with  the  zeal  of 
proselylism.  Men  and  women  of  exalted  rank  lent  their  coun- 
tenance to  the  holy  work.  From  many  an  altar  daily  petitions 
were  offered  for  the  well-being  of  the  mission  ;  and  in  the  Holy 
House  of  Mont-Martre,  a  nun  lay  prostrate  day  and  night 
before  the  shrine,  praying  for  the  conversion  of  Canada,  In 
one  convent,  thirty  nuns  offered  themselves  for  the  labors  of 
the  wilderness;  and  priests  flocked  in  crowds  to  the  colony. 
The  powers  of  darkness  took  alarm ;  and  when  a  ship,  freighted 
with  the  apostles  of  the  faith,  was  tempest-tost  upon  her  voyage, 
the  storm  was  ascribed  to  the  malice  of  demons,  trembling  for 
the  safety  of  their  ancient  empire. 

The  general  enthusiasm  was  not  without  its  fruits.  The 
Church  could  pay  back  with  usury  all  that  she  received  of  aid 
and  encouragement  from  the  temporal  power;  and  the  ambition 
of  Richelieu  could  not  have  devised  a  more  efficient  enginery 
for  the  accomplishment  of  its  schemes,  than  that  supplied  by 
the  zeal  of  the  devoted  propagandists.  The  priest  and  the 
soldier  went  hand  in  hand ;  and  the  cross  and  the  Jleur  de  lis 
were  planted  side  by  side. 


I 


^:.itJim,vi^iif^:}-_ 


...jtssm^tM^" 


Foremost  among  the  envoys  of  the  faith  were  the  mem- 
bers of  that  mighty  order,  who,  in  another  hemisphere,  had 
already  done  so  much  to  turn  back  the  advancing  tide  of  relig- 
ious freedom,  and  strengthen  the  atm  of  Rome.  To  the 
Jesuits  was  assigned,  for  many  years,  the  entire  charge  of  the 
Canadian  missions,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Franciscans,  early 
laborers  in  the  same  barren  field.  Inspired  with  a  self-devoting 
zeal  to  snatch  souls  from  perdition,  and  win  new  empires  to  the 
cross,  casting  from  them  every  hope  of  earthly  pleasure  or 
earthly  aggrandizement,  the  Jesuit  fathers  buried  themselves  in 
deserts,  facing  death  with  the  courage  of  heroes,  and  enduring 
torments  with  the  constancy  of  martyrs.  Their  story  is  replete 
with  marvels  —  miracles  of  patient  suffering  and  daring  enter- 
prise. They  were  the  pioneers  of  Northern  America.  We  see 
them  among  the  frozen  forests  of  Acadia,  struggling  on  snow- 
shoes,  with  some  wandering  Algonquin  horde,  or  crouching  in 
the  crowded  hunting-lodge,  half  stifled  in  the  smoky  den,  and 
battling  with  troops  of  Famished  dogs  for  the  last  morsel  of 
sustenance.  Again  we  see  the  black-robed  priest  wading  among 
the  white  rapids  of  the  Ottawa,  toiling  with  his  savage  comrades 
to  drag  the  canoe  against  the  headlong  wate  Again,  radiant 
in  the  vestments  of  his  priestly  office,  he  administers  the  sacra- 
mental bread  to  kneeling  crowds  of  plumed  and  painted  prose- 
lytes in  the  forests  of  the  Hurons ;  or,  bearing  his  life  in  his 
hand,  carries  his  sacred  mission  into  the  strongholds  of  the 
Iroquois,  like  one  who  invades  unarmed  a  den  of  angry  tigers. 
Jesuit  explorers  traced  the  St.  Lawrence  to  its  source,  and  said 
masses  among  the  solitudes  of  Lake  Superior,  where  the  bold- 
est fur-trader  scarcely  dared  to  follow.  They  planted  missions 
at  St.  Mary's  and  at  Michillimackinac ;  and  onp  of  their  frater- 
nity, the  illustrious  Marquette,  discovered  the  Mississippi,  and 
opened  a  new  theatre  to  the  boundless  ambition  of  France.  — 
From  The  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac. 


CANADIAN    FEUDALISM. 

At  the  base  of  Canadian  society  was  the  feudal  tenure. 
European  feudalism  was  the  indigenous  and  natural  growth  of 
political  and  social  conditions  which  preceded  it.  Canadian 
feudalism  was  an  offshoot  of  the  feudalism  of  France,  modified 
by  the  lapse  of  centuries,  and  further  modified  by  the  royal 
will. 


1 


ith  were  the  niem- 
:r   hemisphere,  had 
ncing  tide  of  relig- 
f    Rome,      To   the 
ntire  charge  of  the 
Franciscans,  early 
with  a  self-devoting 
new  empires  to  the 
earthly  pleasure  or 
uried  themselves  in 
roes,  and  enduring 
heir  story  is  replete 
and  daring  enter- 
America.     We  see 
itruggling  on  snow- 
de,  or  crouching  in 
the  smoky  den,  and 
the  last  morsel  of 
Driest  wading  among 
lis  savage  comrades 
te.      Again,  radiant 
ministers  the  sacra- 
and  painted  prose- 
aring  his  life  in  his 
strongholds  of   the 
den  of  angry  tigers, 
its  source,  and  said 
ior,  where  the  bold- 
ley  planted  missions 
onf  of  their  frater- 
the  Mississippi,  and 
bition  of  France. — 


;  the  feudal  tenure. 
i  natural  growth  of 
eded  it.  Canadian 
of  France,  modified 
iified  by  the   royal 


In  France,  as  in  the  rest  of  Europe,  the  system  had  lost  its 
vitality.  The  warrior-nobles  who  placed  Hugh  Capet  on  the 
throne,  and  began  the  feudal  monarchy,  formed  an  aristocratic 
republic,  and  the  king  was  one  of  their  number,  whom  they 
chose  to  be  their  chief.  But,  through  the  struggles  and  vicis- 
situdes of  many  succeeding  reigns,  royalty  had  waxed  and 
oligarchy  had  waned.  The  fact  had  changed  and  the  theory 
had  changed  with  it.  The  king,  once  powerless  among  a  host  of 
turbulent  nobles,  was  now  a  king  indeed.  Once  a  chief, 
because  his  equals  had  made  him  so,  he  was  now  the  anointed 
of  the  Lord.  This  triumph  of  royalty  had  culminated  in  Louis 
XIV.  The  stdrmy  energies  and  bold  individualism  of  the  old 
feudal  nobles  had  ceased  to  e;ast.  They  who  had  held  his 
predecessors  in  awe  had  become  his  obsequious  servants.  He 
no  longer  feared  his  nobles ;  he  prized  them  as  gorgeous 
decorations  of  his  court,  and  satellites  of  his  royal  person. 

It  was  Richelieu  who  first  planted  feudalism  in  Canada. 
The  king  would  preserve  it  there,  because  with  its  teeth  drawn 
he  was  fond  of  it,  and  because,  as  the  feudal  tenure  prevailed  in 
Old  France,  it  was  natural  that  it  "hould  prevail  also  in  the 
New.  Bat  he  continued  as  Richelieu  had  begun,  and  moulded 
it  to  the  form  that  pleased  him.  Nothing  was  left  which  could 
threaten  his  absolute  and  undivided  authority  over  the  colony. 
In  France,  a  multitude  of  privileges  and  prescriptions  still  clung, 
despite  its  fall,  about  the  ancient  ruling  class.  Few  of  these 
were  allowed  to  cross  the  Atlantic,  while  the  old,  lingering 
abuses,  which  had  made  the  system  odious,  were  at  the  same 
ti.Tie  lopped  away.  Thus  retrenched,  Canadian  feudalism  was 
made  to  serve  a  double  end  ;  to  produce  a  faint  and  harmless 
reflection  of  French  aristocracy,  and  simply  and  practically  to 
supply  agencies  for  distributing  land  among  the  settlers. — From 
Tike  Old  Rigitne  in  Canada. 


THE  STRUGGLE  OF  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE  FOR 
AMERICA. 

It  is  the  nature  of  great  events  to  obscure  the  great  events 
that  came  before  them.  The  Seven  Years  War  in  Europe  is 
seen  but  dimly  through  revolutionary  convulsions  and  Napo- 
leonic tempests;  and  thd  same  contest  in  America  is  half  lost 
to  sight  behind  the  storm-cloud  of  the  War  of  Independence. 
Few  at  this  day  see  the  momentous  issues  involved  in  it,  or  the 


t 


iWi"  ■7-i'fi"Hiii>^*^ 


M 


8 

greatness  of  the  danger  that  it  averted.  The  strife  that  armed 
all  the  civilized  world  began  here.  "  Such  was  the  complication 
of  political  interests,"  says  Voltaire,  "  that  a  cannon-shot  fired 
in  America  could  give  the  signal  that  set  Europe  in  a  blaze." 
Not  quite.  It  was  not  a  cannon-shot,  but  a  volley  from  the 
hunting  pieces  of  a  fe\.'  backwoodsmen,  commanded  by  a  Vir- 
ginian youth,  George  Washington. 

To  us  of  this  day,  the  result  of  the  American  part  of  the 
war  seems  a  foregone  conclusion.  It  was  far  from  being  so ; 
and  very  far  from  being  so  regarded  by  our  forefathers.  The 
numerical  superiority  of  the  British  colonies  was  offset  by 
organic  weaknesses  fatal  to  vigorous  and  united  action.  Nor 
at  the  outset  did  they,  or  the  mother-country,  aim  at  conquering 
Canada,  but  only  at  pushing  back  her  boundaries.  Canada  — 
using  the  name  in  its  restricted  sense  —  was  a  position  of  great 
strength  ;  and  even  when  her  dependencies  were  overcome,  she 
could  hold  her  own  against  forces  far  superior.  Armies  could 
reach  her  only  by  three  routes,  —  the  Lower  St.  Lawrence  on 
the  east,  the  Upper  St.  Lawrence  on  the  west,  and  Lake  Cham- 
plain  on  the  south.  The  first  access  was  guarded  by  a  fortress 
almost  impregnable  by  nature,  and  the  second  by  a  long  chain 
of  dangerous  rapids ;  while  the  third  offered  a  series  of  points 
easy  to  defend.  During  this  same  war,  Frederic  of  Prussia 
held  his  ground  triumphantly  against  greater  odds,  though  his 
kingdom  was  open  on  all  sides  to  attack. 

It  was  the  fatuity  of  Louis  XV.  and  his  Pompadour  that 
made  the  conquest  of  Canada  possible.  Had  they  not  broken 
the  traditionary  policy  of  France,  allied  themselves  to  A  istria, 
her  ancient  enemy,  and  plunged  needlessly  into  the  European 
war,  the  whole  force  of  the  kingdom  would  have  been  turned, 
from  the  first,  to  the  humbling  of  England  and  the  defence  of 
the  French  colonies.  The  French  soldiers  left  dead  on  inglo- 
rious Continental  battle-fields  could  have  saved  Canada,  and 
perhaps  made  good  her  claim  to  the  vast  territories  of  the  West. 

But  there  were  other  contingencies.  The  jxissession  of 
Canada  was  a  question  of  diplomacy  as  well  as  of  war.  If  Eng- 
land conquered  her,  she  might  restore  her,  as  she  haid  lately 
restored  Cape  Breton.  She  had  an  interest  in  keeping  France 
alive  on  the  American  continent.  More  than  one  clear  eye 
saw,  at  the  middle  of  the  last  century,  that  the  subjection  of 
Canada  would  lead  to  a  revolt  of  the  British  colonies.  So  long 
as  an  active  and  enterprising  enemy  threatened  their  borders, 
they  could   not  break  with  the   mother-country,  because  they 


a  itwiW'ijiiiiiM»i;iKniwMjiai,ia)H.^  ,1 


■m 


he  strife  that  armed 

\^as  the  complication 

a  cinnon-shot  fired 

Europe  in  a  blaze." 

lit  a  volley  from  the 

ommanded  by  a  Vir- 

Vmerican  part  of  the 
>  far  from  being  so ; 
)ur  forefathers.  The 
onies  was  offset  by 
united  action.  Nor 
ry,  aim  at  conquering 
mdaries.  Canada  — 
as  a  position  of  great 
s  were  overcome,  she 
erior.  Armies  could 
wer  St.  Lawrence  on 
est,  and  Lake  Cham- 
guarded  by  a  fortress 
;ond  by  a  long  chain 
2d  a  series  of  points 
Frederic  of  Prussia 
Iter  odds,  though  his 

his  Pompadour  that 
Had  they  not  broken 
emselves  to  A  istria, 
ly  into  the  European 
d  have  been  turned, 

I  and  the  defence  of 
s  left  dead  on  inglo- 
;  saved  Canada,  and 
:rritories  of  the  West. 

The  |X)ssession   of 

II  as  of  war.  If  Eng- 
;r,  as  she  had  lately 
5t  in  keeping  France 

than  one  clear  eye 
lat  the  subjection  of 
sh  colonies.  So  long 
itened  their  borders, 
auntry,  because  they 


needed  her  help.  And  if  the  arms  of  France  had  prospered  in 
the  other  hemisphere  ;  if  she  had  gained  in  Europe  or  Asia 
territories  with  which  to  buy  back  what  she  had  lost  in  Amer- 
ica, then,  in  all  likelihood,  Canada  would  have  passed  again 
into  her  hands. 

The  most  momentous  and  far-reaching  question  ever 
brought  to  issue  on  this  continent  was :  Shall  France  remain 
here,  or  shall  ii'ie  not?  If,  by  diplomacy  or  war,  she  had  pre- 
served but  the  half,  or  less  than  the  half,  of  her  American 
possessions,  tljen  a  barrier  would  have  been  set  to  the  spread 
of  the  English-speaking  races ;  there  would  have  been  no  Revo- 
lutionary War  ;  and  for  a  long  time,  at  least,  no  independence. 
It  was  not  a  question  of  scanty  populations  strung  along  the 
banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence  ;  it  was -.-or  under  a  government  of 
any  worth  it  would  have  been  —  a  question  of  the  armies  and 
generals  of  France.  America  owes  much  to  the  imbecility  of 
Louis  XV.  and  the  ambitious  vanity  and  personal  dislikes  of  his 
mistress. 

The  Seven  Years  War  made  England  what  she  is.  It 
crippled  the  commerce  of  her  rival,  ruined  France  in  two  con- 
tinents, and  blighted  her  as  a  colonial  power.  It  gave  England 
the  control  of  the  seas  and  the  mastery  of  North  America  and 
India,  made  her  the  first  of  commercial  nations,  and  prepared 
that  vast  colonial  system  that  has  planted  new  Englands  in 
every  quarter  of  the  globe.  And  while  it  made  England  what 
she  is,  it  supplied  to  the  United  States  the  indispensable  con- 
dition of  their  greatness,  if  not  of  their  national  existence.— 
From  Montcalm  and  Wolfe. 


At  the  present  time,  when  we  are  engaged  in  the  study  of  those  sub- 
jects in  our  American  history  which  are  related  to  the  history  of  Frr.nce  or 
Into  Which  the  French  element  enters,  we  art  made  to  realize  anew  our  great 
and  peculiar  obligations  to  Francis  Parkman.  In  our  studies  of  the  earlier 
period,  it  is  always  his  books  which  are  our  principal  companions.  Cham- 
plain,  La  Salle,  the  Jesuits,  Wolfe  and  Montcalm  —  whoever  it  may  be  that 
we  are  studying,  in  that  old  Canadian  and  '  ^'estern  life,  Parkman  is  our 
constant  and  best  guide.  It  is  a  period  of  history  which  he  has  made  his 
own,  and  with  which  his  naipe  will  be  always  connected.  In  his  tre?\tment 
'of  it,  through  the  long  row  of  volumes  that  stand  on  the  shelf,  he  has 
brought  to  the  work  almost  every  quality  which  goes  to  constitute  the  good 
historian  —  thorough  scholarship,  indefatigable  industry,  a  philosophic  com- 
prehension of  his  subject  in  all  its  bearings,  a  contagious  enthusiasm,  a  vital 


lO 

imagination,  antl  rare  literary  power.  I  Us  series  of  woiUs  on  France  and 
England  in  North  America  holds  n  place  in  our  historical  literatnre  which 
is  unique.     No  work  which  ha.s  been  done  in  our  history  has  a  higher  value. 

At  the  age  of  eighteen,  as  he  tells  us  himself  in  the  preface  to  Fronle- 
nac —  he  was  horn  in  Hoston  in  1S23,  and  has  always  lived  in  lioston  —  I'ark- 
min  formed  the  purpose  of  writing  on  French- American  history.  "  I  meant 
at  first,"  he  says,  "  to  limit  myself  to  the  great  contest  which  brought  that 
history  to  a  close.  It  was  by  an  a'ter  thought  that  the  pl.tn  was  extended 
to  cover  the  whole  field,  so  that  the  part  of  the  work,  or  series  of  works, 
first  conceived  would,  following  the  sequence  of  events,  be  the  last  exe- 
cuted." The  material  for  the  volumes  on  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  the  last 
volumes  published,  was  the  material  which  he  first  began  to  collect.  The 
work  first  published  was  that  on  l^he  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  belonging  to 
the  period  after  the  P'rench  War,  in  1851.  The  succeeding  volumes  have 
appeared  in  the  following  order  :  T/ie  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  A^cto  World, 
1865;  The  Jesuits  in  North  America,  [867  ;  La  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of 
th:  Great  West,  1869;  The  Old  Regime  in  Canada,  1874;  Count  Frontenac 
and  New  France  under  Louis  XIV,  \'i-ji ;  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  to  which 
he  proposed  at  one  time  to  give  the  sul)- title  of  The  Fall  oj  Nexu  France,  in 
1884.  The  Oregon  Trad,  the  record  of  "  a  summer's  adventures  of  two 
youths  just  out  of  college  "  and  bearing  no  relation  to  the  general  historical 
series  on  France  and  England  in  A'orth  America,  first  appeared  as  a  scries  of 
sketches  in  the  Knicherbocktr  Magazine,  in  1847.  The  adventures  recorded 
in  these  sketches  did,  however,  take  Parkman  and  his  companion  to  the 
Rocky  Mountains  and  among  the  Indians,  and  \mdoubtedly  affected  his 
imagination  and  added  to  his  knowledge  in  ways  that  made  Ihem  a  distinct 
preparation  for  his  great  historical  work,  as  indeed  he  himself  lets  us  under- 
stand by  a  word  in  the  preface  to  The  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac.  The  following 
picturesque  passage  from  the  preface  which  he  supplied  to  The  Oregon 
Trail  in  1872  is  of  interest  in  this  connection  : 

"  1  remember  that,  as  we  rode  by  the  foot  of  Pike's  I'eak,  when  for  a 
fortnight  we  met  no  face  of  man,  my  companion  remarked,  in  a  tone  any 
thing  but  complacent,  that  a  time  would  come  when  those  plains  would  be  a 
gracing  country,  the  buffalo  give  place  to  tame  cattle,  farm-houses  be  scat- 
tered along  the  water-courses,  and  wolves,  bears,  and  Indians  be  numbered 
among  the  tnings  that  were.  We  condoled  with  each  other  on  so  melan- 
choly a  prospect,  but  we  little  thought  what  the  future  had  in  store.  We 
knew  that  there  was  more  or  less  gold  in  the  seams  of  those  untrodden 
mountains ;  but  we  did  not  foresee  that  it  would  build  cities  in  the  waste 
and  plant  hotels  and  gambling-houses  among  the  haunts  of  the  grizzly  bear. 
We  knew  that  a  few  fanatical  outcasts  were  groping  their  way  across  the 
plains  to  seek  an  asylum  from  gentile  persecution  ;  but  we  did  not  imagine 
that  the  polygamous  hordes  of  Mormon  would  rear  a  swarming  Jerusalem 
in  the  bosom  of  solitude  itself.  We  knew  that,  more  and  more,  year  after 
year,  the  trains  of  emigrant  wagons  would  creep  in  slow  procession  towards 
barbarous  Oregon  or  wild  and  distant  California ;  but  we  did  not  dream  how 


of  woils  on   France  and 
liisloriciil  literature  which 

istory  has  a  higher  value. 

in  the  preface  to  Frontt- 
ived  in  Uoston  —  I'ark- 
?rican  history.  "  I  meant 
nttst  which  brought  that 
It  the  plan  was  extended 
ivork,  or  serie.i  of  works, 

events,  he  the    last  exe- 

aim  anJ  Wol/t,  the  last 
St  l)egan  to  collect.     The 

of  PontiiU,  bclonfjing  to 
succeeding  volumes  have 
'''ranee  in  the  .Yeiu  lyor/d, 
ille  and  the  Discotiery  of 
I,  1S74;  Count  Fronteniu- 
<i/m  and  iro/fe,  to  which 
'/le  Fall  oj  Neio  Frame,  in 
iner's  adventures  of  two 

I  to  the  general  historical 
rst  appeared  as  a  series  of 
The  adventures  recorded 
nd  his  companion  to  the 
undoubtedly  affected  his 
lat  made  them  a  distnict 

he  himself  lets  us  under- 
f  Ponliac.  The  following 
iupi)Iied   to    T/tt   Oregon 

Pike's  Peak,  when  for  a 
remarked,  in  a  tone  any 

II  these  plains  would  be  a 
tie,  farm- houses  be  scat- 
nd  Indians  be  numbered 
each  other  on  so  melan- 
Jture  had  in  store.  We 
ams  of  those  untrodden 
build  cities  in  the  waste 
lunts  of  the  grizzly  bear, 
ing  their  way  across  the 
but  we  did  not  imagine 
r  a  swarming  Jerusalem 
)re  and  more,  year  after 
slow  procession  towards 
it  we  did  not  dream  how 


II 

("ommerce  and  (lold  would  breed  nations  along  the  Pacific,  the  disenchant- 
ing screech  of  the  locomotive  break  the  spell  of  weird  mysterious  mountains, 
woman's  rights  invade  the  fastnesses  of  the  Arapalioes,  and  despairing  sav- 
agery, assailed  in  front  and  rear,  vail  its  scal|)-locks  and  feathers  before 
triumphant  commonplace.  We  were  no  prophets  to  foresee  all  this  ;  and, 
had  we  foreseen  it,  perhaps  some  perverse  regrets  might  have  tempered  the 
ardor  of  our  rejoicing.  The  wild  cavalcade  that  defiled  with  me  down  the 
gorges  of  the  Klack  Hills,  with  its  paint  and  war-plumes,  fluttermg  trophies 
and  savage  eml)roidery,  bows,  arrows,  lances,  and  shields,  will  never  be  seen 
again.  Those  who  formed  it  have  found  blootly  graves,  or  a  ghastlier  burial 
in  the  maws  of  wolves.  The  Indian  of  today,  armed  with  a  revolver  and 
crowned  with  an  old  hat ;  cased,  possibly,  in  trousers  or  muffed  in  a  taw- 
dry shirt,  is  an  Indian  still,  liut  an  Indian  shorn  of  the  picturcs(|uene!is 
which  was  his  most  conspicuous  merit.  The  mountain  trap|)er  is  no  more, 
and  the  grim  romance  of  his  wild,  hard  life  is  a  memory  of  the  past." 

In  the  introductions  to  several  of  his  volumes  Mr.  Parkman  has  inci- 
dentally revealed  to  us  his  aims  and  methods,  in  passages  so  interesting  and 
so  valuable  to  the  historical  student  that  a  few  passages  may  here  be  cited. 
His  aim,  he  tells  us,  in  the  introduction  to  The  Pioneers  of  France  in  the 
Ntiv  World,  "  was,  while  scrupulously  and  rigorously  adhering  to  the  truth 
of  facts,  to  animate  them  with  the  life  of  the  past  and,  so  far  as  might  l>e, 
clothe  the  skeleton  with  flesh.  If,"  he  says,  "at  times  it  may  seem  that 
range  has  been  allowed  to  fancy,  it  is  so  in  appearance  only  ;  since  the 
minutest  details  of  narrative  or  description  rest  on  authentic  aocuments  or 
on  personal  observation.  Faithfulness  to  the  truth  of  history  involves  far 
more  than  a  research,  however  patient  and  scrupulous,  into  special  facts. 
Such  facts  may  be  detailed  with  the  most  minute  exactness,  and  yet  the 
narrative,  taken  as  a  whole,  may  be  unmeaning  or  untrue.  The  narrator 
must  seek  to  imbue  himself  with  the  life  and  spirit  of  the  lime.  He  must 
study  events  in  their  bearings  near  and  remote ;  in  the  character,  habits, 
and  manners  uf  those  who  took  part  in  them.  He  must  himself  be,  as  it 
were,  a  sharer  or  a  spectator  of  the  action  he  describes." 

Ktiually  interesting  is  this  passage  from  the  preface  to  The  Conspiracy 
of  Pontiac,  written  fourteen  years  earlier,  in  1851  : 

"  It  is  evident  that  other  study  than  that  of  the  closet  is  indispensable  to 
success  in  such  an  attempt.  Habits  of  early  reading  had  greatly  aided  to 
prepare  me  for  the  task  ;  but  necessary  knowledge  of  a  more  practical  kind 
has  been  supplied  by  the  indulgence  of  a  strong  natural  taste,  which,  at 
various  intervals,  led  me  to  the  wild  regions  of  the  north  and  west.  Here, 
by  the  camp-fire,  or  in  the  canoe,  I  gained  familiar  acquaintance  with  the 
men  and  .scenery  of  the  wilderness.  In  1846,  I  visited  various  primitive 
tribes  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  was,  for  a  time,  domesticated  in  a  vil- 
lage of  the  western  Uahcotah,  on  the  high  plains  between  Mount  Laramie 
and  the  range  of  the  Medicine  Bow.  The  most  troublesome  part  of  the 
task  was  the  collection  of  the  necessary  documents.  These  consisted  of  let- 
ters, journals,  reports,  and  despatches,  scattered  among  numerous  public 
offices,  and  i)rivate  families,  in  Kurope  and  America.  When  brought  to- 
gether, they  amounted  to  about  three  thousand  four  hundred  manuscript 
pages.  Contemporary  newspapers,  magazines,  and  pamphlets  have  also 
l)een  examined,  and  careful  search  made  for  every  Ijook  which,  directly  or 
indirectly,  might  throw  light  upon  the  subject,     f  have  visited  the  sites  of 


i 


IS 


'V_ 


v.-.) 


all  the  principal  events  recorded  in  tlie  narrative,  and  K'it'>ered  niiclt  local 
traditions  as  seemed  worthy  of  tontidcncc.  .  .  .  'I'lie  crude  and  promiH- 
ciiotis  niasH  of  materials  presented  an  aspect  hy  no  means  inviliii);.  The 
field  of  the  history  was  uncultured  and  iinrcclaiiued,  and  tlie  labor  that 
awaited  me  was  like  that  of  the  border  seltlcr,  who,  before  he  builds  his 
runted  dwelling,  must  fell  the  forest  trees,  burn  the  undcrftrowlli,  clear  the 
ground,  and  hew  the  fallen  trunks  to  ilue  proportion.  Several  obstacles 
nave  retarded  the  |)rogress  of  the  work.  Of  these,  one  of  the  most  ctm- 
sider.ible  was  the  condition  of  niv  night.  Kor  about  three  years,  the  light 
of  tlay  was  insupportable,  and  every  attempt  at  reading  or  writing  com- 
pletely debarred.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  task  of  silting  the 
materials  and  composing  the  work  was  begun  and  fniishcd.  The  papers 
were  rejjeatedly  read  aloud  by  an  aniaiuiensis,  copious  notes  and  extracts 
were  made,  and  the  narrative  written  down  from  my  dictation.  This  pro- 
ces.s,  though  exfremelv  slow  and  laborious,  was  not  without  its  advan- 
tages ;  and  I  am  well  convinced  that  the  authorities  have  been  even  more 
mmutely  examinetl,  more  scrupulously  collated,  and  more  thoroughly 
(ligeste(i,  than  they  would  have  been  under  ordinary  circumstances." 

In  the  preface  to  the  Afoiitctiltn  aiui  Wolfe  he  says ;  "  I  have  visiied  and 
examined  everv  spot  where  events  of  any  importance  in  connection  with  the 
contest  took  place,  and  have  observe<l  with  attention  such  scenes  and  per- 
s(ms  as  might  help  to  illustrate  those  I  meant  to  describe.  In  short,  the 
subject  has  been  studied  as  much  from  life  and  in  the  open  air  as  at  the 
horary- table."  In  the  introduction  to  The  PioNeers  of  /•'niiifi-  in  the  a/cw 
ll'iir/(/  v/e  are  shown  again  something  of  the  dilticulties  under  which  Mr. 
I'arkman  has  labored  in  his  great  work:  "  buring  the  past  eighteen  years 
the  stale  of  the  writer's  health  has  exacted  throughout  an  extreme  caution 
in  regard  to  mental  application,  reducing  il  at  best  within  narrow  and  pre- 
carious limits,  and  often  precluding  it.  Indeed,  for  two  periods,  each  of 
several  years,  any  attempt  at  bookish  occupation  would  have  been  merely 
suicidal.  A  condition  of  sight  arising  from  kindred  sources  has  also  retarded 
the  work,  since  it  has  never  permitted  reading  or  writing  continuously  for 
more  than  five  minutes,  and  often  has  not  |)erniitted  them  at  all." 

All  this  reminds  us  of  the  sinular  heroic  devotion  and  the  similar  great 
achievements  of  I're.scott,  under  similar  disativant.igcs.  The  careers  of  both 
I'rescott  and  I'arkman,  in  whose  work  appears  no  sign  of  the  discoiirage- 
meiits  which  hindered  them  and  of  the  frecpient  depressions  which  these 
must  have  occasioned,  but  where  all  is  calm,  exact,  faithful,  a.id  strong, 
furnish  an  example  to  our  young  students,  which  should  nerve  them  all  to 
greater  industry,  greater  energy,  greater  trust,  a  more  beautiful  patience, 
and  a  larger  vision. 


nd  gnt'iered  rucI)  local 
riie  crude  ;nul  promU- 
)  mcaiiH  inviting;.  The 
cd,  nnd  the  lal)i>r  that 
I),  before  he  liiiildM  his 
undcrgrowlh,  clear  the 
Ion.  Several  obstacles 
oik;  of  the  most  ctin- 
[  three  years,  the  light 
eadin^  or  writing;  coin- 
ie  task  of  Milting  the 
linishcd.  The  papers 
ous  notes  and  extracts 
ly  dictation.  This  pro- 
not  without  its  ad  van- 
have  been  even  more 
and  more  thoroughly 
circumstances." 

's:  "I  have  visited  and 
in  connection  with  the 
1  such  scenes  and  per- 
lescribe.  In  .short,  the 
the  open  air  as  at  the 
1'/  /•'ranee  in  the  New 
idties  under  which  Mr. 
the  past  eighteen  years 
)ut  an  ex'.reme  caution 
within  narrow  and  pre- 
r  two  periods,  each  of 
ould  have  been  merely 
ources  has  also  retarded 
writing  continuously  for 
:1  them  at  all." 
n  and  the  similar  great 
s.  The  careers  of  both 
sign  of  the  discourage- 
lepressions  which  these 
:t,  faithful,  a.id  strong, 
luld  nerve  them  all  to 
lore  beautiful  patience, 


SEVKNTH   SEKIKS,  iS*,.  No.  4. 

The  Capture  of 
Quebec. 


FROM    I'AKRMAN'S   "CONSPIKACY   OF    I'ONTIAC." 

The  eventful  ni^lit  of  tlie  twelfth  [Sept.,  1759]  was  cle.ir 
Mild  calm,  with  no  li-^ht  but  that  of  the  stars.  Within  two  hours 
before  daybreak,  thirty  boats,  crowded  with  si.xteen  hundred 
soldiers,  cast  olT  from  the  vessels,  and  floated  downward,  in 
perfect  order,  with  the  current  of  the  ebb  tide.  To  the  bound- 
less joy  of  tiie  army,  Wolfe's  malady  had  aliated,  and  he  was 
able  to  command  in  person.  His  ruined  health,  the  gloomy 
prospects  of  the  siejje,  and  the  disaster  at  Montinorcnci  had 
oppressed  him  witii  the  deepest  melancholy,  but  never  impaired 
for  a  iTioment  the  promptness  of  his  decisions,  or  the  impetuous 
energy  of  his  action.'  He  sat  in  the  stern  of  one  of  the  boats, 
pile  and  weak,  but  borne  up  to  a  calm  height  of  resolution. 
Every  order  had  been  given,  every  arrangement  made,  and  it 
only  remained  to  face  the  issue.  The  ebbing  tide  sufficed  to 
bear  the  boats  along,  and  nothing  broke  the  silence  of  the 
night  but  the  gurgling  of  the  river,  and  the  low  voice  of  Wolfe, 


'  In  his  letter  to  the  Ministry,  dated  .Sept.  2,  Wolfe  writes  in  these 
desponding  words :  — 

"  Hy  the  nature  o.  the  river,  the  most  formidable  part  ot  this  arma- 
ment is  deprived  of  the  power  of  acting  :  yet  we  have  almost  the  whole 
force  of  Canada  to  oppos';.  In  this  situation  there  is  such  a  choice  of 
difficulties,  Ih-it  I  own  myself  at  a  loss  how  to  determine.  The  affairs  of 
Great  Britain,  I  know,  require  the  most  vigorous  measures,  but  then  the 
courage  of  a  handful  of  brave  troops  should  be  exerted  only  where  there 
is  some  hope  of  a  favorable. event.  However,  you  may  be  assured  that 
the  small  part  of  the  campaign  which  remains  shall  be  employed  (as  far 
as  I  am  able)  for  the  honor  of  his  Majesty,  and  the  interest  of  the  nation  ; 
in  which  I  am  sure  of  being  well  seconded  by  the  admiral  and  by  the 
generals:  happy  if  our  efforts  here  can  contribute  to  the  success  of  his 
Majesty's  arms  in  any  other  part  of  America." 


Majesty's  : 


■  ^*.-j,)«ifti«^ssiJi»K«ws«»?«"r- 


I 


as  he  repeated  to  the  officers  about  him  the  slanzas  of  Gray's 
"  Kle;jy  in  a  Country  Chiirchyavd,"  which  had  recently  appeared 
and  whicii  he  iiad  just  received  from  Knjjland.  Perhaps,  as  he 
uttered  tiiose  strangely  appropriate  words, — 

"  The  patlis  of  glory  lead  hut  to  tlic  fjravc," 

the  shadows  of  his  own  approaching  fate  stole  with  mournful 
prophecy  across  his  mind.  "(lentlemen,"  he  said,  as  he  closed 
his  recital,  "  I  would  rather  have  written  those  lines  than  take 
Quebec  tomorrow."  ' 

As  they  approached  the  landing-place,  the  boats  edged 
closer  in  towards  the  northern  shore,  and  the  woody  precipices 
rose  high  on  their  left,  like  a  wall  of  undistinguished  blackness. 

"  Qui  vine ("  shouted  a  French  sentinel,  from  out  the 
impervious  gloom. 

"  La  France .'"  answered  a  captain  of  Fraser's  Highlanders, 
from  the  foremost  boat. 

"  A  quel rii^imerit I"  deirianded  the  soldier. 

"  Z>^  /a  Heine/"  promptly  replied  the  Highland  captain, 
who  chanced  to  km  that  the  regiment  so  designated  formed 
part  of  Bougain\i  c's  command.  As  boats  were  frecpiently 
passing  down  the  river  with  supplies  for  the  garrison,  and  as  a 
convoy  from  Bougainville  was  expected  thai  very  night,  the 
sentinel  was  deceived,  and  allowed  the  English  to  proceed. 

A  few  moments  after,  they  were  challenged  again,  and  this 
time  they  could  discern  the  soldier  running  close  down  to  the 
water's  edge,  as  if  all  his  suspicions  were  aroused;  but  the  skil- 
ful replies  of  the  Highlander  once  more  saved  the  party  from 
discovery.' 

They  reached  the  landing-place  in  safety, — an  indentation 
in  the  shore,  about  a  league  above  the  city,  and  now  beari-.ig 

'  "This  anecdote  was  related  by  the  late  celebrated  John  Roblson, 
I'rofessor  of  Natural  Philosophy  in  the  University  of  ICdinburgh,  who,  in 
his  youth,  was  a  midshipman  in  the  Hritish  navy,  and  was  in  the  same 
boat  with  Wolfe.  His  son,  my  kinsman.  Sir  John  Rohison,  communkated 
it  to  me,  and  it  has  since  been  recorded  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Royal 
Society  of  Edinburgh. 

'  Thu  paths  of  glory  lead  but  to  the  grave  ' 

is  one  of  the  lines  which  Wolfe  must  have  recited  as  he  strikingly  exem- 
plified its  application."  —  Grahame,  Hist.  U.  S.  IV.  50.  See  also /Vi/j^rt/rV 
IVor.is,  IV.  126. 

'  Smollett,  V.  56,  note  (Edinburgh,  1805).  Mante  simply  mentions 
that  the  English  were  challenged  by  the  sentinels,  and  escaped  discovery  by 
replying  in  French. 


•*->'^i**w■'Mif'Ns*!ftyW«^i^■»««JWr'*•«t'»w«p«M«^^?S^^^ 


slanzas  of  CJray's 
i  recently  appeared 
(I.     Perhaps,  as  he 

[rave," 

tole  with  mournful 
;  said,  as  he  closed 
ise  lines  than  take 

,  the  boats  ed<;cd 
c  woody  precipices 
if^uished  blackness, 
lel,    from    out    the 

iser's  Hijjhlanders, 

!r. 

Highland  captain, 
designated  formed 
s  were  frecpiently 
garrison,  and  as  a 
lal  very  night,  the 
sh  to  proceed. 
;;ed  again,  and  this 
close  down  to  the 
lused;  but  the  skil- 
'ed  the  party  from 

f,  —  an  indentation 
,  and  now  beari'.ig 

l)rate(l  John  Rohison, 
sf  ICdinburfih,  who,  in 
and  was  in  the  same 
Rohison,  communicated 
isactions  of  the  Royal 


js  he  strikingly  txem- 
o.     See  also  Piny/air's 


[ante  simply  mentions 
1  escaped  discovery  by 


the  name  of  Wolfe's  Cove.  Here  a  narrow  path  led  up  the 
f.ice  of  the  heights,  and  a  French  guard  was  posted  at  the  toj) 
to  defend  the  p.iss.  Hy  the  force  of  the  current,  the  foremost 
boats,  including  that  which  carried  Wolfe  hiinsell,  were  borne 
a  little  below  the  spot.  The  general  was  one  of  the  first  on 
shore,  lie  looked  upward  at  the  rugged  heights  which  tow- 
ered above  him  in  the  gloom.  "You  can  try  it,"  he  coolly 
observed  to  an  officer  near  him  ;  "  but  I  don't  think  you'll  gel 
up."  • 

At  the  point  where  the  Highlanders  landed,  one  of  their 
captains,  Donald  Macdonald,  apparently  the  same  whose  pres- 
ence of  mind  had  just  saved  the  enterprise  from  ruin,  was 
(limbing  in  advance  of  his  men,  when  he  was  challenged  by  a 
sentinel.  He  replied  in  French,  by  declaring  that  he  had  been 
sent  to  relieve  the  guard,  and  ordering  the  soldier  to  withdraw.' 
liefore  the  latter  was  undeceived,  a  crowd  of  Highlanders  were 
clv)se  at  hand,  while  the  steeps  below  were  thronged  with  eager 
climbers,  dragging  themselves  up  by  trees,  roots,  and  bushes.' 
The  guard  turned  out,  and  made  a  brief  though  brave  resist- 
ance. In  a  moment,  they  were  cut  to  pieces,  dispersed,  or 
made  prisoners  ;  while  men  after  men  came  swarming  up  the 
height,  and  quickly  formed  upon  the  plains  above.  Meanwhile, 
the  vessels  had  dropped  downward  with  the  current,  and 
anchored  opposite  the  landing-place.  The  remaining  troops 
were  disembarked,  and,  with  the  dawn  of  day,  the  whole  were 
brought  in  safety  to  the  shore. 

The  sun  rose,  and,  from  the  ramparts  of  Quebec,  the 
astonished  people  saw  the  Plains  of  Ai)ral)am  glittering  with 
arms,  and  the  dark-red  lines  of  the  English  forming  in  array  of 
liattle.  Breathless  messengers  had  borne  the  evil  tidings  to 
Montcalm,  and  far  and  near  his  wide-extended  camp  jesounded 
with  the  rollir.;  of  alarm  drums  and  the  din  of  startled  prepara- 
tion. He,  to  '  had  had  his  struggles  and  his  sorrows.  The 
civil  power  had  thwarted  him ;  famine,  discontent,  and  disaflfec- 
lion  were  rife  among  his  soldiers  ;  and  no  small  portion  of  the 
Canadian  militia  had  dispersed  froir.  sheer  starvation.  In  spite 
of  all,  he  had  trusted  to  hold  out  till  the  winter  frosts  should 


'  This  incident  is  mentioned  in  a  manuscript  journal  of  the  siege  of 
Quebec,  by  John  Johnson,  clerk  and  quartermaster  in  the  sSlh  regiment. 
'I'he  journal  is  written  with  great  care,  and  abounds  in  curious  details. 

'Knox,  Journal,  II.  68,  not*. 

'  Despatch  of  Admiral  Saunders,  Sept.  20,  1759. 


m 


rf*»®S5SS6 


atti^i)gn^!0titummimm 


drive  the  invaders  from  before  the  town;  when,  on  that  disas- 
trous morning,  the  news  of  their  successful  temerity  iell  like  a 
cannon  shot  upon  his  ear.  Still  he  assumed  a  tune  of  confi- 
dence. "They  have  got  to  the  weak  side  of  us  at  last,"  he  is 
reported  to  have  said,  "and  we  must  crush  them  with  our  num- 
bers." With  headlong  haste,  his  troops  were  pouring  over  the 
bridge  of  tiie  St.  Charles,  and  gathering  in  heavy  masses  under 
the  western  ramparts  of  the  town.  Could  numbers  give  assur- 
ance of  success,  thei-  triumph  would  have  been  secure  ;  for  five 
French  battalions  and  the  armed  colonial  peasantry  amounted 
in  all  to  more  than  seven  thousand  five  hundred  men.  Full  in 
sight  before  them  stretched  the  long,  ihin  lines  of  the  Urilish 
forces,  —  the  half-wild  Highlanders,  the  steady  soldiery  of  Eng- 
land, and  the  hardy  levies  of  the  provinces, — less  than  five 
thousand  in  number,  but  all  inured  to  battle,  and  strong  in  the 
ful!  assurance  of  success.  Yet,  could  the  chiefs  of  that  gallant 
army  have  pierced  the  secrets  of  the  future,  could  they  have 
foreseen  that  the  victory  which  they  burned  to  achieve  would 
have  robbed  England  of  her  proudest  boast,  that  the  conquest 
of  Canada  \  ould  pave  the  way  for  the  independence  of  America, 
their  swords  would  have  dropped  from  their  hands,  and  the 
heroic  fire  have  gone  out  within  their  hearts. 

It  was  nine  o'clock,  and  the  adverse  armies  stood  motion- 
less, each  gazing  on  the  other.  The  clouds  hung  low,  and,  at 
intervals,  warm  light  showers  descended,  besprinkling  both 
alike.  The  coppice  and  cornfields  in  front  of  the  British  troops 
were  filled  with  French  sharpshooters,  who  kept  up  a  distant, 
spattering  fire.  Here  and  there  a  soldier  fell  in  the  ranks,  and 
the  gap  was  filled  in  silence. 

At  a  little  before  ten,  the  British  could  see  that  Montcalm 
was  preparing  to  advance,  and,  in  a  few  moments,  all  his  troops 
appeared  in  rapid  motion.  They  came  on  in  three  divisions, 
shouting  after  the  manner  of  their  nation,  and  firing  heavily  as 
soon  as  they  came  within  range.  In  the  British  ranks,  not  a 
trigger  was  pulled,  not  a  soldier  stirred  ;  and  their  ominous 
composure  seemed  >  damp  the  spirits  of  the  assailants.  It 
was  not  till  the  French  were  within  forty  yards  that  the  fatal 
word  was  given,  and  the  British  muskets'  blazed  forth  at  once 
in  one  crashing  explosion.  Like  a  ship  at  full  career,  arrested 
with  sudden  ruin  on  a  sunken  rock,  the  ranks  of  Montcalm 
staggered,  shivered,  and  broke  before  that  wasting  storm  of 
lead.  The  smoke,  rolling  along  the  field,  for  a  moment  shut 
out  the  view ;   but  when  the  white  wreaths  were  scattered  on 


'  •«w--«i'"««n»«i'-»*r*«SiCJE  ~,w'^temJ»*^-^!f-^IS»n^RK■tr•mfti!^^^ 


on  that  disas- 
erity  lell  like  a 

tune  of  confi- 
;  at  last,"  he  is 
with  our  num- 
uring  over  the 
i'  masses  under 
ers  give  assur- 
;ecure ;  for  five 
ntry  amounted 

men.     Full  in 

of  the  Uriiish 
oldiery  of  Eng- 

less  than  five 
d  strong  in  the 
of  that  gallant 
)uld  they  have 
achieve  would 
t  the  conquest 
ice  of  America, 
lands,  and  the 

stood  motion- 
ig  low,  and,  at 
prinkling  both 
;  British  troops 
:  up  a  distant, 

the  ranks,  and 

that  Montcalm 
;,  all  his  troops 
hree  divisions, 
ring  heavily  as 
h  ranks,  not  a 

their  ominous 
assailants.     It 

that  the  fatal 

forth  at  once 
;areer,  arrested 

of  Montcalm 
sting  storm  of 
L  moment  shut 
e  scattered  on 


s 

the  wind,  a  wretched  spectacle  was  disclosed ;  men  and  officers 
tumbled  in  heaps,  battalions  resolved  into  a  mob,  order  and 
obedience  gone  ;  and  when  the  British  muskets  were  levelled 
for  a  second  volley,  the  masses  of  the  militia  were  seen  to 
cower  and  shrink  with  uncontrollable  panic.  For  a  few  min- 
utes the  French  regulars  stood  their  ground,  returning  a  sharp 
and  not  ineffectual  fire.  But  now,  echoing  cheer  on  cheer, 
redoubling  volley  on  volley,  trampling  the  dying  and  the  dead 
and  driving  the  fugitives  in  crowds,  the  British  troops  advanced 
and  swept  the  field  before  them.  The  ardor  of  the  men  burst  all 
restraint.  They -broke  into  a  run,  and  with  unsparing  slaughter 
chased  the  flying  multitude  to  the  gates  of  Quebec.  Foremost 
of  all,  the  light-footed  Highlanders  dashed  along  in  furious  pur- 
suit, hewing  down  the  Frenchmen  with  their  broadswords,  and 
slaying  many  in  the  very  ditch  of  the  fortifications.  Never  was 
victory  more  quick  or  more  decisive." 

In  the  short  action  and  pursuit  the  French  lost  fifteen 
hundred  men  killed,  wounded,  and  taken.  Of  the  remainder, 
some  escaped  within  the  city,  and  others  fled  across  the  St. 
Charles  to  rejoin  their  comrades  who  had  been  left  to  guard 
the  camp.  The  pursuers  were  recalled  by  sound  of  trumpet ; 
the  broken  ranks  were  formed  afresh,  and  the  English  troops 
withdrawn  beyond  reach  of  the  cannon  of  Quebec.  Bougain- 
ville, with  his  corps,  arrived  from  the  upper  country,  and, 
hovering  about  their  rear,  threatened  an  attack  ;  but  when  he 
saw  what  greeting  was  prepared  for  him,  he  abandoned  his  pur- 
pose and  withdrew.  Townshend  and  Murray,  the  only  general 
officers  who  remained  unhurt,  passed  to  the  head  of  every  regi- 
ment in  turn,  and  thanked  the  soldiers  for  the  bravery  they  had 
shown ;  yet  the  triumph  of  the  victors  was  mingled  with  sad- 
ness, as  the  tidings  went  from  rank  to  rank  that  Wolfe  had 
fallen. 

In  the  heat  of  the  action,  as  he  advanced  at  the  head  of 
the  grenadiers  of  Louisburg,  a  bullet  shattered  his  wrist ;  but 
he  wrapped  his  handkerchief  about  the  wound,  and  showed  no 
sign  of  pain.  A  moment  more,  and  a  ball  pierced  his  side. 
Still  he  pressed  forward,  waving  his  sword  and  cheering  his 
soldiers  to  the  attack,  when  a  third  shot  lodged  deep  within  his 


'  Despatch  of  General  Townshend,  Sept.  20.  Gardiner,  Memoirs  of 
the  Sres^'e  of  Quebec,  28.  Journal  of  the  Siei;e  of  Qiiehec,  by  a  Gentleman  in 
an  Eminent  Station  on  the  Spot,  40.  Letl^r  to  a  A'if^ht  Honorable  Patriot  on 
the  Glorious  Sncess  of  Quebec.     Annual  Register  iox  \-j  tj),  i,o. 


wm 


breast.  He  pausad,  reeled,  and  staggerirg  to  one  side,  fell  to 
the  earth.  Brown,  a  lieutenant  of  the  grenadiers,  Henderson, 
a  volunteer,  an  otiTicer  of  artillery,  and  a  private  soldier,  raised 
Iiiin  together  in  their  arms,  and,  bearing  him  to  tiie  rear,  laid 
him  softly  on  the  grass.  They  asked  if  he  would  have  a  sur- 
geon ;  but  he  shook  his  head,  and  answered  that  all  was  over 
with  him.  His  eyes  closed  with  the  torpor  of  approaching 
death,  and  those  around  sustained  his  fainting  form.  Yet  they 
could  not  withhold  their  gaze  from  the  wild  turmoil  before 
them,  and  the  charging  ranks  of  their  companions  rushing 
through  fire  and  smoke.  "  See  how  they  run,"  one  of  the  offi- 
cers exclaimed,  as  the  French  fled  in  confusion  before  the 
levelled  bayonets.  "  Who  run  ? "  demanded  Wolfe,  opening 
his  eyes  like  a  man  aroused  from  sleep.  "The  enemy,  sir," 
was  the  reply  ;  "they  give  way  everywhere,"  "Then,"  said  the 
dying  general,  "tell  Colonel  Burton  to  march  Webb's  regiment 
down  to  Charles  River,  to  cut  off  their  retreat  from  the  bridge. 
Now,  God  be  praised,  I  will  die  in  peace,"  he  murmured;  and, 
turning  on  his  side,  he  calmly  breathed  his  last.' 

Almost  at  the  same  moment  fell  his  great  adversary,  Mont- 
calm, as  he  strove,  with  vain  bravery,  to  rally  his  shattered 
ranks.  Struck  down  with  a  mortal  wound,  he  was  placed  upon 
a  litter  and  borne  to  the  General  Hospital  on  the  banks  of  the 
St.  Charles.  The  surgeons  told  him  that  he  could  not  recover. 
"  I  am  glad  of  it,"  was  his  calm  reply.  He  then  asked  how 
long  he  might  survive,  and  was  told  that  he  had  not  many 
hours  r'niaining.  "  So  much  the  better,"  he  said ;  "I  am 
happy  that  I  shall  not  live  to  see  the  surrender  of  Quebec." 
Officers  from  the  garrison  came  to  his  bedside  to  ask  his  orders 
and  instructions.  "  I  will  give  no  more  orders,"  replied  the 
defeated  soldier;  "I  have  much  business  that  must  be  attended 
to.  of  greater  moment  than  your  ruined  garrison  and  this 
wretched  country.  My  time  is  very  short ;  therefore,  pray 
leave  me."  The  officers  withdrew,  and  none  remained  in  the 
chamber  but  his  confessor  and  the  Bishop  of  Quebec.  To  the 
last,  he  expressed  his  contempt  for  his  own  mutinous  and  half- 
famished  troops,  and  his  admiration  for  the  disciplined  valor  of 
his  opponents.'     He  died  before  midnight,  and  was  buried  at 


'  Knox,  II.   78.     Knox  derived  his  information  from  the  person  who 
supported  Wolfe  in  his  dying  moments. 

'Knox,  II.  77. 


le  side,  fell  to 
s,  Henderson, 
5o!dier,  raised 
tlie  rear,  laid 
i  have  a  sur- 
al! was  over 
approaciiing 
in.  Yet  they 
jrmoil  before 
lions  rushing 
tie  of  the  offi- 
n  Ijefore  the 
olfe,  opening 
;  enemy,  sir," 
lien,"  said  the 
bb's  regiment 
in  the  bridge, 
irmured ;  and, 

,'ersary,  Mont- 
his  shattered 
s  placed  upon 
banks  of  the 
i  not  recover. 
;n  asked  how 
lad  not  many 
said ;  "I  am 
r  of  Quebec." 
ask  his  orders 
,"  replied  the 
st  be  attended 
ison  and  this 
lerefore,  pray 
nained  in  the 
ibec.  To  the 
lous  and  half- 
plined  valor  of 
was  buried  at 


the  person  who 


his  own  desire  in  a  cavity  of  the  earth  formed  by  the  bursting 
of  a  bombshell. 

The  victorious  army  encamped  before  Quebec,  and  pushed 
their  preparations  for  the  siege  with  zealous  energy  ;  but  before 
a  single  gun  was  brought  to  bear,  the  white  flag  was  hung  out, 
and  the  garrison  surrendered.  On  the  eighteenth  of  Septem- 
ber, 1759,  the  rock-built  citadel  of  Canada  passed  forever  from 
the  hands  of  its  ancient  masters. 

The  victory  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham  and  the  downfall  of 
Quebec  filled  'all  England  with  pride  and  exultation.  From 
north  to  south,  the*  land  blazed  with  illuminations,  and  resounded 
with  the  ringing  of  bells,  the  firing  of  guns,  and  the  shouts  of 
the  multitude.  In  one  village  alone  all  was  dark  and  silent 
amid  the  general  joy;  for  here  dwelt  the  widowed  mother  of 
VVolfe.  The  populace,  with  unwonted  delicacy,  respected  her 
lonely  sorrow,  and  forbore  to  obtrude  the  sound  of  ii.eir  rejoic- 
ings upon  her  grief  for  one  who  had  been  through  life  ii^'  pride 
and  solace,  and  repaid  her  love  with  a  tender  and  coi  itant 
devotion.' 

Canada,  crippled  and  dismembered  by  the  disasters  of  this 
year's  campaign,  lay  waiting,  as  it  were,  the  final  stroke  w  lich 
was  to  extinguish  her  last  remains  of  life,  and  close  the  eventful 
story  of  French  dominion  in  America. 


With  the  Peace  of  Paris  ended  the  checkered  story  of  New 
France ;  a  story  which  would  have  been  a  history  if  faults  of  constitu- 
tion and  the  bigotry  and  folly  of  rulers  had  not  dwarfed  it  to  an 
episode.  Yet  it  is  a  noteworthy  one  in  both  its  lights  and  its  shad- 
ows: in  the  disinterested  zeal  of  the  founder  of  Quebec,  the  self- 
devotion  of  the  early  missionary  martyrs,  and  the  daring  enterprise 
of  explorers;  in  the  spiritual  and  temporal  vassalage  from  which  the 
only  escape  was  to  the  savagery  of  the  wilderness ;  and  in  the  swarm- 
ing corruptions  which  were  the  natural  result  of  an  attempt  to  rule, 
by  the  absolute  hand  of  a  master  beyond  the  Atlantic,  a  people  bereft 
of  every  vestige  of  civil  liberty.  Civil  liberty  was  given  them  by 
the  British  sword;  but  the  conqueror  left  their  religious  system 
untouched,  and  through  it  they  have  imposed  upon  themselves  a 
weight  of  ecclesiastical  tutelage  that  finds  few  equals  in  the  most 
Catholic  countries  of  Europe.  Such  guardianship  is  not  without  cer- 
tain advantages.  When  faithfully  exercised,  it  aids  to  uphold  some 
of  the  tamer  virtues,  if  that  can  be  called  a  virtue  which  needs  the 
constant  presence  of  a  sentinel  to  keep  it  from  escaping;   but  it  is 


»  Annual  Register  for  1759,  43. 


! 


i. 

I 


I    < 


8 

fatal  to  mental  robustness  and  ..ioral  courage;  and  if  French  Canada 
would  fulfil  its  aspirations  it  must  cease  to  be  one  of  the  most  priest- 
ridden  coinnuinities  of  the  modern  world. 

Scarcely  were  they  free  from  the  incubus  of  France  when  the 
liritish  provinces  showed  symptoms  of  revolt.  The  measures  on  the 
part  of  the  mother-country  which  roused  their  resentment,  far  from 
being  oppressive,  were  less  burdensome  than  the  navigation  laws  to 
which  they  hail  long  submitted;  and  they  resisted  taxation  by  Parlia- 
ment simply  because  it  .vas  in  principle  opposed  to  their  rigiits  as 
freemen.  'I'hey  did  iioi,  like  the  American  provinces  of  Spain  at  a 
later  day,  sunder  themselves  from  a  ixirent  fallen  into  decre|jitude ; 
but  with  astonishing  audacity  they  affronted  the  wrath  of  England  in 
the  hour  of  her  triumph,  forgot  their  jealousies  and  quarrels,  joined 
hands  in  the  common  cause,  fought,  endured,  and  won.  The  dis- 
united colonies  became  the  United  Stales.  The  string  of  discordant 
communities  along  the  Atlantic  coast  has  grown  to  a  mighty  people, 
joined  in  a  union  which  the  earthquake  of  civil  war  served  only  to 
compact  and  consolidate.  Those  who  in  the  weakness  of  their 
dissensions  needed  help  from  Kngla.id  against  the  savage  on  their 
borders  have  beco..  :  uiiion  that  may  defy  every  foe  but  that  most 
dangerous  of  all  foes,  herself,  destined  to  a  majestic  future  if  she 
will  shun  the  excess  and  perversion  of  the  principles  that  made  her 
great,  prate  less  about  the  enemies  of  the  past  and  strive  more 
against  the  enemies  of  the  present,  resist  the  mob  and  the  demagogue 
as  she  resisted  Parliament  and  King,  rally  her  powers  from  the  race 
for  gold  and  the  delirium  of  prosperity  to  make  firm  the  foundations 
on  which  that  prosperity  rests,  and  turn  some  fair  proportion  of  her 
vast  mental  forces  to  other  objects  than  material  progress  and  the 
game  of  party  politics.  She  has  tamed  the  savage  continent,  peopled 
the  solitude,  gathered  wealth  untold,  waxed  poten  Tiposing,  redoubt- 
able ;  and  now  it  remains  for  her  to  prove,  if  she  can,  that  the  rule 
of  the  masses  is  consistent  with  the  highest  growth  of  the  individunl ; 
that  democracy  can  give  the  world  a  civilization  as  mature  and  preg- 
nant, ideas  as  energetic  and  vitalizing,  and  types  of  manhood  as  lofty 
and  strong,  as  any  of  the  systems  which  it  boasts  to  supplant.  —  F"rom 
Montcalm  and  Wolfe. 

The  account  of  the  capture  of  Quenec  in  ihe  present  leaflet  is  given  as 
found  ill  the  pages  of  Parkmaii,  because  no  contemporary  account  is  equally 
graphic,  and  because  Parkman  has  brought  together  everything  of  value 
from  the  older  accounts.  We  have  chosen  for  the  leaflet  the  account  in 
The  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  instead  of  that  in  Afontcalm  and  Wolf,  because 
Montcalm  and  IVal/e  wiW  be  read  by  all  who  are  making  a  study  of  the  battle 
of  Quebec  and  the  events  preceding  and  following  it,  and  such  will  have  in 
their  hands  the  somewhat  different  account  in  that  work.  In  the  IVo/fe  and 
Montcalm,  Vol.  ii,  appendices  11,  I,  and  J,  will  be  found  full  and  interesting 
references  to  all  the  original  authorities  concerning  the  battle. 


"mmmwmm' 


French  Canada 
he  most  priest- 

ance  when  the 
leasures  on  the 
Iment,  far  from 
igation  laws  to 
ition  by  Farlia- 
their  riglits  as 
;  of  Spain  at  a 
o  decre|jitutle ; 

of  Engiaind  in 
quarrels,  joined 
won.  The  dis- 
g  of  (hscordant 
mighty  people, 
served  only  to 
kness  of  their 
avage  on  their 
:  but  that  most 
c  future  if  she 

that  made  her 
id  strive  more 
the  demagogue 
s  from  the  race 
;he  foundations 
^portion  of  her 
ogress  and  the 
itinent,  peopled 
josing,  redoubt- 
n,  that  the  rule 
the  individual ; 
iture  and  preg- 
mhood  as  lofty 
pplant.  —  From 


:aflet  is  given  as 
iccount  is  equally 
rything  of  value 
!t  the  account  in 
J  Wolff,  because 
tudy  of  the  battle 
;uch  will  have  in 
In  the  IVolfe  and 
11  and  interesting 
:le. 


SEVENTH   SERIES,  1889.  No.  5. 

Franklin   in 
France. 


A  Selection  from  Franklin's  Letters,  written  during  his  stay 

in  Pap-is. 


TO   JOHN   HANCOCK,   PlUiSIDENT  OF  CONGRESS 

Nantes,  8  December,  ijjb. 

Sir: —  In  thirty  days  after  we  left  the  Capes  of  Delaware 
we  came  to  an  anchor  in  Quiberon  Bay.  I  remained  on  board 
four  days,  expecting  a  change  of  wind  proper  to  carry  the  ship 
into  the  river  Loire ;  but  the  wind  seemed  fixed  in  an  opposite 
quarter.  I  landed  at  Auray,  and  with  some  difficulty  got  hither, 
the  road  not  being  well  supplied  with  means  of  conveyance. 
Two  days  before  we  saw  land,  we  met  a  brigantine  from  Bor- 
deaux belonging  to  Cork,  and  another  from  Rochefort  belong- 
ing to  Hu"  both  of  which  were  taken.  The  first  had  on  board 
staves,  tar,  turpentine,  and  claret ;  the  other  cognac  brandy  and 
flaxseed.  There  is  some  difficulty  in  determining  what  to  do 
with  them  ;  as  they  are  scarce  worth  sending  to  America,  and 
the  mind  of  the  French  court,  with  regard  to  prizes  brought  into 
their  ports,  is  not  yet  known.  It  is  certainly  contrary  to  their 
treaties  with  Britain  to  permit  the  sale  of  them,  and  we  have  no 
regular  means  of  trying  and  condemning  them.  There  are, 
however,  many  here  who  would  purchase  prizes,  we  having 
already  had  several  offers  from  persons  who  are  willing  to  take 
upon  themselves  all  consequences  as  to  the  illegality.  Captain 
Wickes,  as  soon  as  he  can  get  his  refreshment,  intends  to  cruise 
in  the  Channel.  "  ,  ^ 

Our  friends  in  France  have  been  a  good  deal  dejected  with 
the  G^az^/Zi?  accounts  of  advantages  obtained  against  us  by  the 
British  troops.     I  have  helped  them  here  to  recover  their  spirits 


a  little,  by  assuring  them,  that  we  still  face  the  enemy,  and  were 
under  no  apprehension  of  their  armies  being  able  to  complete 
their  junction.  I  understand  that  Mr.  Lee  has  lately  been  at 
Paris,  that  Mr.  Deane  is  still  there,  and  that  an  underhand 
supply  is  obtained  from  the  government  of  two  hundred  brass 
field-pieces,  thirty  thousand  firelocks,  and  some  other  military 
stores,  which  are  now  shipping  for  America,  and  will  be  con- 
voyed by  a  ship  of  war.  The  court  of  England  (M.  Penet  tells 
me,  from  whom  I  had  the  above  intelligence)  had  the  folly  to 
demand  Mr.  Deane  to  be  delivered  up,  but  were  refused. 

Our  voyage,  though  not  long,  was  rough,  and  I  feel  myself 
weakened  by  it ;  but  I  now  recover  strength  daily,  and  in  a  few 
days  shall  be  able  to  undertake  the  journey  to  Paris.  I  have 
not  yet  taken  any  public  character,  thinking  it  prudent  first  to 
know  whether  the  court  is  ready  and  willing  to  receive  minis- 
ters publicly  from  the  Congress ;  that  we  may  neither  embarrass 
it  on  the  one  hand,  nor  subject  ourselves  to  the  hazard  ' '  a  dis- 
graceful refusal  on  the  other.  I  have  despatched  an  e*  ress  to 
Mr.  Deane,  with  the  letters  that  I  had  for  him  fror  .ne  com- 
mittee and  a  copy  of  our  commission,  that  he  may  immediately 
make  the  proper  inquiries,  and  give  me  information.  In  the 
meantime  I  find  it  generally  supposed  here  that  I  am  sent  to 
negotiate  ;  and  that  opinion  appears  to  give  great  pleasure,  if  I 
can  judge  by  the  extreme  civilities  I  meet  with  from  numbers 
of  tne  principal  people  who  have  done  me  the  honor  to  visit 
me. 

I  have  desired  Mr.  Deane,  by  some  speedy  and  safe  means, 
to  give  Mr.  Lee  notice  of  his  appointment.  I  find  several 
vessels  here  laden  with  military  stores  for  America,  just  ready 
to  sail.  On  the  whole,  there  is  the  greatest  prospect  that  we 
shall  be  well  provided  for  another  campaign,  and  much  stronger 
than  we  were  last.  A  Spanish  fleet  has  sailed  with  seven  thou- 
sand land  forces  foot,  and  some  horse.  Their  destination  is 
unknown,  but  supposed  against  the  Portuguese  in  Brazil.  Both 
France  and  England  are  preparing  strong  fleets,  and  it  is  said 
that  all  the  powers  of  Europe  are  preparing  for  war,  apprehend- 
ing that  a  general  one  cannot  be  very  far  distant.  When  I 
arrive  at  Paris,  I  shall  be  able  to  write  with  more  certainty. 
I  beg  you  to  present  my  duty  to  Congress,  and  assure  thern  of 
my  most  faithful  endeavors  in  their  service.  With  the  sincerest 
esteem  and  respect,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

B.  Franklin.     . 


g 
ti 

ti 
u 

a 
fa 

F 
c 
n 
h 

r 
a 
a 
\ 

a 
a 

I 

c 


my,  and  were 

to  complete 
ately  been  at 
n  underhand 
undred  brass 
)ther  military 

will  be  con- 
A.  Penet  tells 
i  the  folly  to 
ifused. 

I  feel  myself 
and  in  a  few 
aris.  I  have 
udent  first  to 
-eceive  minis- 
^ler  embarrass 
izard  '  '  a  dis- 
an  e'  ress  to 
ron  -tie  com- 
yr  immediately 
ition.  In  the 
I  am  sent  to 

pleasure,  if  I 
from  numbers 
honor  to  visit 

id  safe  means, 
find  several 
ica,  just  ready 
pspect  that  we 
much  stronger 
th  seven  thou- 
destination  is 
Brazil.  Both 
and  it  is  said 
ar,  apprehend- 
ant.  When  I 
lore  certainty, 
issure  them  of 
h  the  sincerest 

Franklin. 


TO  GENERAL  WASHINGTON. 

Sir: —The  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  a  young  nobleman  of 
preat   expectations   and   exceedingly  beloved   here,  is  by  this 
time  probably  with  you.     By  some  misapprehension  in  his  con- 
tract with  the  merchants  of  Bordeaux  he  was  prevented  from 
using  the  produce  of  the  cargo  he  carried  over,  and  so  was  left 
without  a  supply  of  money.     His  friends  here  have  sent  him  over 
about   £soo  sterling;   and  have  proposed  sendmg  him  more ; 
but  on  reflection,  knowing  the  extreme  generosity  of  his  dis- 
nosition,  and   fearing  that  some  of  his  necessitous  and  artful 
countrymen  may  impose  on  his  goodness,  they  wish  to  put  his 
money  into  the  hands  of  some  discreet  friend,  who  may  supply 
him  from  time  to  time,  and  by  that  means  knowing  his  expenses, 
may  take  occasion  to  advise  him,  if  necessary,  with  a  friendly 
affection,  and  secure  him   from   too    much    imposition.      I  hey 
accordingly  have  desired  us  to  name  such  a  person  to  them. 
We  have  not  been  able  to  think  of  one  so  capable,  and  so  suit- 
able from  the  influence  of  situation,  to  perform  that  kind  office 
as  General  Washington,  under  whose  eye  the  gentleman    will 
probably  be.     We  beg,  therefore,  in  his  behalf,  what  his  friends 
out  of  respect  would  not  take  the  liberty  of  asking,  that  your 
Excellency  would  be  pleased  to  furnish  him  with  what  money 
he  may  want  in  moderation,  and  take  his  drafts  payable  to  us 
for  the  sums  paid  him,  which  we  shall  receive  here  and  apply 
to  the  public  service.     We  also   join  with   his  family  in  their 
earnest  request  that  you  would  favor  him  with  your  counsels, 
which,  you  may  be  assured,  will  be  an  act  of  benevolence  grate- 
fully  remembered   and   acknowledged   by  a   number  of   very 
worthy  persons  here  who  interest  themselves  extremely  in  the 
welfare  of  that  amiable  young  nobleman.  _ 

With  the  greatest  respect,  we  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir, 
^  Your  Excellency's,  etc 


TO  MRS.    MARGARET  STEVENSON. 

Passy,  as  January,  ijjg. 
■  It  is  always  with  great  pleasure  when  I  think  of  our  long- 
continued  friendship,  which  had  not  the  least  mterruption  in 
the  course  of  twenty  years  (some  of  the  happiest  of  my  lite), 
that  I  spent  under  your  roof  and  in  your  company.  If  I  do  not 
write  to  you  as  often  as  I  used  to  do,  when  I  happened  to  be 
absent  from  you,  it  is  owing  partly  to  the  present  difficulty  of 


;,^^rt^^fe*'^'^****^*' 


««■ 


sure  communication,  and  partly  to  an  apprehension  of  some 
inconvenience  that  my  correspondence  might  possibly  occasion 
you.  Be  assured,  my  dear  frlond,  that  my  regard,  esteem,  and 
affection  for  you  are  not  in  the  least  impaired  or  diminished, 
and  that,  if  circumstances  would  permit,  nothing  would  afford 
me  so  much  satisfaction  as  to  he  with  you  in  the  same  house, 
and  to  experience  again  your  faithful,  tender  care  and  attention 
to  my  interests,  health,  and  comfortable  living,  which  so  long 
and  steadily  attached  me  to  you,  and  which  I  shall  ever  remem- 
ber with  gratitude. 

I  thought  I  had  nientioned  to  you  before  (and  I  believe  I 
,  did,  though  my  letter  may  have  miscarried),  that  I  had  received 
the  while  cloth  suit,  the  sword,  and  the  saddle  for  Temple,  all 
in  good  order.  I  mention  them  now  again,  because  Polly  tells 
me  you  had  not  heard  of  their  arrival.  I  wore  the  clothes  a 
good  deal  last  summer.  There  is  one  thing  more  that  1  wish 
to  have,  if  you  should  meet  with  an  opportunity  of  sending  it. 
I  mean  the  copper  pot  lined  with  silver,  to  roast  fowls  in  by 
means  of  a  heater.  I  should  also  be  glad  of  the  piece  of  ele- 
phant's tooth.  It  is  old  ivory,  perhaps  of  the  time  before  the 
flood,  and  would  be  a  rarity  to  some  friends  here.  But  I  doubt 
you  will  not  be  able  to  send  them. 

I  rejoice  to  learn  that  your  health  is  established,  and  that 
you  live  pleasantly  in  a  country  town,  with  agreeable  neighbors, 
and  have  your  dear  children  about  you.  My  love  to  every  one 
of  them.  I  long  to  see  them  and  you ;  but  the  times  do  not 
permit  me  the  hope  of  it.  Why  do  you  never  write  to  me  ?  I 
used  to  love  to  read  your  letters,  and  I  regret  your  long  silence. 
They  were  seasoned  with  good  sense  and  friendship,  and  even 
your  spelling  pleased  me.  Polly  knows  I  think  the  worst 
spelling  the  best.  I  do  not  write  to  her  by  this  conveyance. 
You  will  let  her  know  that  I  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  her 
pleasing  letter,  dated  the  nth  instant.  I  shall  now  only 
observe  to  you  upon  it,  that  I  know  not  how  the  patent  can  be 
taken  out  in  Jacob's  name.  I  am  sure  he  had  no  claim  to  it, 
for  when  I  first  proposed  to  him  the  making  of  such  wheels  at 
Mr.  Viny's,  in  the  country,  he  objected  to  it  as  impracticable. 
But  Mr.  Viny,  who  seized  the  thought  and  carried  it  into  execu- 
tion, had  certainly  the  best  right  to  the  patent.  I  wish  he 
would  send  me  a  good  drawing,  with  the  proportions,  of  the 
little  carriage  with  horses,  which  his  children  came  once  in  to 
see  us.  How  do  they  all  do,  and  particularly  my  little  patient 
Bessum  ? 


»»'HlB<>UiW>»j)ii»li!Mfti|iy 


3n  of  some 
lily  occasion 
(esteem,  and 
I  diminished, 
vould  afford 
same  house, 
|nd  attention 
lich  so  long 
lever  remem- 

d  I  believe  I 
had  received 

Temple,  all 
se  Tolly  tells 
he  clothes  a 

that  1  wish 
of  sending  it. 

fowls  in  by 
piece  of  ele- 
iie  before  the 

But  I  doubt 

hed,  and  that 
ble  neighbors, 
e  to  every  one 
times  do  not 
ite  to  me  ?  I 
r  long  silence, 
ihip,  and  even 
nk  the  worst 
s  conveyance, 
receipt  of  her 
lall  now  only 
patent  can  be 
lo  claim  to  it, 
such  wheels  at 
impracticable. 
1  it  into  execu- 
it.  I  wish  he 
>rtions,  of  the 
ne  once  in  to 
y  little  patient 


tH 


5 

Since  my  coming  here  I  have  been  told  that  Mr.  Henley, 
the  linen-drnper,  had  said,  on  my  going  to  .'\merica,  that  I  had 
gone  away  in  his  debt.  I  can  hardly  believe  it.  Let  me  know 
if  you  have  heard  such  a  thing,  and  what  is  the  meaning  of  it. 
I  thought  he  had  been  fully  paid,  and  still  think  so,  and  shall 
till  I  am  assured  of  the  contrary.  Let  me  know,  at  the  same 
time,  how  my  account  stands  with  you. 

You  wish  to  know  how  I  live.  It  is  in  a  fiic  house,  situ- 
ated in  a  neat  village,  on  high  ground,  half  a  mile  from  Paris, 
with  a  large  garden  to  walk  in.  I  have  abundance  of  acquaint- 
ance, dinf  abroad- siv  days  in  seven.  Sundays  I  reserve  to  dine 
at  home,  with  such  Americans  as  pass  this  way,  and  I  then  have 
my  grandson  Ben,  with  some  other  American  children  from  the 
school. 

If  being  treated  with  all  the  politeness  of  France,  and  the 
apparent  respect  and  esteem  of  all  ranks,  from  the  highest  to 
the  lowest,  can  make  a  man  happy,  I  ought  to  be  so.  Indeed, 
I  have  nothing  to  complain  of  but  a  little  too  much  business, 
and  the  want  of  that  order  and  economy  in  my  family,  which 
reigned  in  it  when  under  your  prudent  direction.  My  paper 
gives  me  only  room  to  add  that  I  am  ever  yours  most  affection- 
ately, B.  Franklin. 


TO  TICK   MARQUIS    OE   LAFAYETTE. 

Passy,  a2  March,  lyjg. 

Dear  Sir:  —  I  admire  much  the  activity  of  your  genius 
and  the  strong  desire  you  have  of  being  continu.ally  employed 
against  our  common  enemy. 

It  is  certain  that  the  coasts  of  England  and  Scotland  are 
extremely  open  and  defenceless;  there  are  also  many  rich 
towns  near  the  sea,  which  four  or  five  thousand  men,  landing 
unexpectedly,  might  easily  surprise  and  destroy,  or  exact  from 
them  a  heavy  contribution,  taking  a  part  in  ready  money  and 
hostages  for  the  rest.  I  should  suppose,  for  example,  that  two 
millions  sterling,  or  forty-eight  millions  of  livres,  might  be 
demanded  of  Bristol  for  the  town  and  shipping ;  twelve  millions 
of  livres  from  Bath;  forty-eight  millions  from  Liverpool;  six 
millions  from  Lancaster;,  and  twelve  millions  from  Whitehaven. 
On  the  east  side  there  are  the  towns  of  New  Castle,  Scar- 
borough, Lynn,  and  Yarmouth,  from  which  very  considerable 
sums  might  be  exacted.     And  if  among  the  troops  there  were 


6 


a  few  horsemen  to  make  sudden  incursions  at  some  little  dis 
tance  fioni  the  coast,  it  would  spread  terror  to  much  greater 
distances,  and  the  whole  would  occasion  movements  and 
marches  of  troops  that  must  put  the  enemy  to  a  prodigious 
expense  and  harass  tht-ni  exceedingly.  Their  militia  will  prob- 
ably soon  be  drawn  from  the  dilTt  rent  counties  to  one  or  two 
places  of  encampment,  so  that  litll  '  or  no  opposition  can  be 
made  to  such  a  force  as  is  above  meniioned  in  the  places  where 
they  may  land.  But  the  practicability  of  such  an  operation, 
and  the  means  of  facilitating  and  executing  it,  military  people 
can  besl  judge  of.  I  have  not  enough  of  knowledge  in  such 
matters  to  presume  upon  advising  it,  and  I  am  so  troublesome 
to  the  ministers  on  other  accounts  that  I  could  hardly  venture 
to  solicit  it  if  I  were  ever  so  confident  of  its  success.  Much 
will  depend  on  a  prudent  and  brave  sea  commam'or,  who  knows 
the  coasts,  and  on  a  leader  of  the  troops  who  has  the  affair  at 
heart,  wiio  is  naturally  active  and  quick  in  his  enterprises,  of  a 
disposition  proper  to  conciliate  the  good  will  and  affection  of 
both  the  corps,  and  by  that  means  to  prevent  or  obviate  sucli 
misunderstandings  as  are  apt  to  arise  between  them,  and  which 
are  of' en  pernicious  to  joint  expeditions. 

On  the  whole,  it  ma\  be  encouraging  to  reflect  on  the 
many  instances  of  history  which  prove  that  in  war  attempts, 
thought  to  be  impossible,  do  often,  for  that  very  reason,  become 
possible  and  practicable  because  nobody  expects  them  and  no 
precautions  are  taken  to  guard  against  them.  And  those  are 
the  kind  of  undertakings  of  which  the  success  affords  the  most 
glory  to  the  ministers  who  plan  and  to  the  officers  who  execute 
them. 

With  the  sincerest  esteem  and  affection,  I  have  the  honor 
to  be,  sir,  etc.,  B.  Franklin. 


TO  JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

Passy,  21  April,   lyjt)- 

Ueak  Master  Johnny  :  —  1  am  glad  you  have  seen  Hrest 
and  the  tU  ct  there.  It  must  give  you  an  idea  of  the  naval  force 
of  this  kingdom  which  you  will  long  retain  with  pleasure. 

I  caused  ihe  letters  you  enclosed  to  me  to  be  carefully 
delivered,  but  have  not  received  answers  to  be  sent  you. 

Benjamin,  whom  you  so  kindly  remember,  would  have 
been  glad  to  hear  of  your  welfare,  but  he  is  gone  to  Geneva. 


'"'''yj¥«'>iytlUIJt.l*u,i(,,^i^,glj,,(iy,-r: 


''''jwwiMaMHfe.iji#''"«^'W'' '""'' 


little  dis 

icli  greater 

ir.ents    and 

prodigious 

|ia  will  prob- 

one  or  two 

Ition  can  be 

aces  where 

1   operation, 

ilary  people 

dge  in  such 

trouijlcsome 

rdiy  venture 

cess.     Much 

|r,  who  knows 

the  affair  at 

rprises,  of  a 

altection  of 

obviate  sr.cli 

ni,  and  which 

eflect  on  tiie 
Iwar  attempts, 
;ason,  become 
them  and  no 
ind  those  are 
brds  the  most 
s  who  execute 


As  he  is  destined  to  live  in  a  Protestant  coimtry,  and  a  republic. 
I  thought  it  best  to  finish  Ins  education  where  tlie  proper  prin- 
ciples prevail. 

I  heartily  wish  you  a  good  voyage  and  a  happy  sight  of 
your  mamma,  being  really  your  alTectionate  friend, 

li.  Franklin. 


To  THK    MARt^UlS   Dli    I.AKAYKTTK. 

Passy,  34  Ani,'tist,  tfyg. 

Sir:  —  The  Congress,  sensible  of  your  merit  towards  the 
United  States,  but  unable  adequately  to  reward  it,  determined 
to  present  you  with  a  sword,  as  a  ^.mall  mark  of  their  grateful 
acknowledgment.  They  directed  it  to  be  ornamented  with  suit- 
able devices.  Some  of  the  principal  actions  of  the  war,  in 
which  you  distinguished  yourself  by  your  bravery  and  conduct, 
are  therefore  represented  upon  it.  These,  with  a  few  emblem- 
atic figures,  all  admirably  well  executed,  make  its  principal 
value.  Jiy  ihe  help  of  the  exquisite  artists  France  affords,  I 
find  it  easy  to  express  every  thing  but  the  sense  we  have  of 
your  worth  and  our  obligations  to  you.  For  this,  figures  and 
even  words  are  found  insufficient.  I  therefore  only  add  that, 
with  the  most  perfect  esteem  and  respect,  I  have  the  honor  to 
be,  etc.,  B.  Franklin. 

P.  S.  —  My  grandson  goes  to  Harve  with  the  sword,  and 
will  have  the  honor  of  presenting  it  to  you. 


ive  the  honor 

RANKLIN. 


April,  1771)- 

ve  seen  Hrest 

lie  naval  force 

sasure. 

I  be  carefully 

t  you. 

would    have 
e  to  Geneva. 


TO   RICHARD    PRICE. 

Pitjsy,  6  February,  ijSo. 

Dear  ."^ir  :  —  I  "^ceived  but  very  lately,  vour  kind  favor 
of  October  14th,  by  Dr.  Ingenhousz,  who  brought  it,  having 
stayed  long  in  Holland.  I  sent  th;  t  enclosed,  directly  to  Mr. 
Lee.  It  gave  me  great  plensure  to  understand  that  you  con- 
tinue well.  Take  care  of  yourself;  your  life  is  a  valuable  one. 
Your  writings,  after  all  the  abuse  you  and  they  have  met  with, 
begin  to  make  serious  impressions  on  those  who  at  first  rejected 
the  counsels  you  gave ;  and  they  will  acquire  new  weight  every 
day,  and  be  in  high  esteem  v,Uen  the  cavils  against  them  are 
dead  and  forgotten. 


:y«ii*«i*-^'' 


8 

Please  lo  present  my  affectionate  respects  to  that  honest, 
!iensi))le,  and  intelligent  society  who  did  me  so  lonj;  the  honor 
of  adiniilin}(  me  lo  share  in  their  instructive  conversations.  I 
never  think  of  the  hours  I  so  happily  spent  in  that  company 
without  rej^rellinjj  that  liiey  are  ne\er  to  be  repeated  ;  for  1  sec 
no  prospect  of  an  end  lo  this  uniiappy  war  in  my  time.  Dr. 
Priestley,  you  tell  me,  continues  his  experiments  with  success. 
We  make  daily  {j;reat  improvements  in  tiatiiral — tliere  is  one 
I  wish  lo  see  in  morti/ — piiiiosophy  :  the  discovery  of  a  plan 
that  would  induce  and  ohiige  nations  lo  settle  their  disputes 
without  first  cuttinj^  one  another's  throats.  When  will  human 
reason  he  sufficiently  improved  to  see  the  advantage  of  this? 
M'hen  will  men  he  convinced  that  even  successfid  wars  at 
length  become  misfortunes  to  those  who  unjustly  commenced 
them,  and  who  triumphed  blindly  in  their  success,  not  seeing  all 
its  conse(|uences  ?  Your  great  comfort  and  mine  in  this  war  is, 
that  we  honestly  and  faithfully  did  every  thing  in  our  power  to 
prevent  it.  Adieu  ;  ind  believe  me  ever,  my  dear  friend,  yours, 
etc.,  B.  Franklin. 


TO   GKORdK   WASHINGTON. 

Pasty,  S  March,  tfSo. 

Sir: — I  have  received  but  lately  the  letter  your  Excel- 
lency did  me  the  honor  of  writing  to  me  in  recommendation  of 
the  Marquis  de  Lafayette.  His  modesty  detained  it  long  in  his 
own  hands.  We  became  acquainted,  however,  from  the  time  of 
his  arrival  at  Paris;  and  his  zeal  for  the  honor  of  our  country, 
his  activity  in  our  affairs  here,  and  his  firm  attachment  to  our 
cause  and  to  you,  impressed  me  with  the  same  regard  and 
esteem  for  him  that  your  Kxcellency's  letter  would  have  done, 
had  it  been  immediately  delivered  to  me. 

Should  peace  arrive  after  another  campaign  or  two,  and 
afford  us  a  little  lei.sure,  I  should  be  happy  to  see  your  Excel- 
lency in  Europe  and  to  accompany  you,  if  my  age  and  strength 
would  permit,  in  visiting  some  of  its  ancient  and  most  famous 
kingdoms  You  would,  on  this  side  of  the  sea,  enjoy  the  great 
reputation  you  have  acquired,  pure  and  free  from  those  little 
shades  that  the  jealousy  and  envy  of  :.  man's  countrymen  and 
contemporaries  are  ever  endeavoring  to  cast  over  living  merit. 
Here  you  would  know,  and  enjoy,  wl.  it  posterity  will  say  of 
Washington.     For   a  thousand  leagues   have  nearly  the  same 


I 


•-rSr*«%r»Trii«»./i»!wr^«ri«;i*W7«^^  ^iffiPSS*;*?, 


I  lint  linnost, 
|i^  I  he  honor 

ersalioiis.      F 

lint  company 
k'd  ;  for  1  see 

y  tinio.  Dr. 
with  success. 

there  is  one 
TV  of  a  plan 

K'ir   disputes 

will   human 

ta^e  of  tiiis? 

sful    wars   at 

commenced 

not  seeing  all 

n  tiiis  war  is, 

our  power  to 

friend,  yours, 

«ANKLIN. 


effect  with  a  thous-ind  years.  The  feeble  voice  of  those  grov- 
elling passions  cannot  e.\tend  so  far  either  in  lime  or  distance. 
At  present  I  enjov  that  pleasure  for  you;  as  1  frei(iieiitly  hear 
the  old  generals  of  this  martial  country,  who  study  the  maps  of 
America,  and  mark  upon  them  all  your  o|)erations,  speak  with 
sincere  approbation  and  great  applause  of  your  cf)nduct ;  and 
join  in  giving  you  the  character  of  one  of  the  greatest  captains 
of  the  age. 

I  must  soon  quit  this  scene,  hut  you  may  live  to  see  our 
country  flourish,  as  it  will  amazingly  and  rapidly  after  the  war 
is  over;  like  a  lield  of  young  Indian  corn,  which  long  fair 
weather  and  sunshine  had  enfeebled  and  discolored,  and  which 
in  that  weak  state,  by  a  thunder-gust  of  violent  wind,  hail,  and 
rain,  seemed  to  be  threatened  with  absolute  destruction  ;  yet 
the  storm  being  past,  it  recovers  fresh  verdure,  shoots  up  with 
double  vigor,  and  deli;^hts  the  eye,  not  of  its  owner  only,  but  of 
every  observing  traveller. 

The  best  wishes  that  can  be  formed  for  your  health,  honor, 
and  happiness,  ever  attend  you  from  yours,  etc., 

B.  Franklin. 


^farch.  If 80. 

r  your  p'xcel- 
meiulation  of 
t  it  long  in  his 
m  the  time  of 
our  country, 
hment  to  our 
!  regard  and 
Id  have  done, 

I  or  two.  and 
i  your  Excel- 

and  strength 

most  famous 

ijoy  the  great 

II  those  little 
intrynien  and 

living  merit. 
y  will  say  of 
riy  the  same 


TO  JOHN   ADAMS. 

Pussy,  »6  November,  fjSt. 

Sir:  —  I  sent  forward  last  Saturday  some  packets  and 
letters  for  you,  which  I  hope  got  to  hand  in  lime.  Most 
heartily  do  I  congratulate  you  on  the  glorious  news  I '  The 
infant  Hercules  in  his  cradle  has  now  strangled  his  second  ser- 
pent, and  gives  hopes  that  his  future  history  will  be  answerable, 

I  enclose  a  packet  which  I  have  just  received  from  Gen- 
eral Washington,  and  which  I  suppose  contains  the  articles  of 
capitulation.  It  is  a  rare  circumstance,  and  scarce  to  be  met 
with  in  history,  that  in  one  war  two  armies  should  be  taken 
prisoners  completely,  not  a  man  in  either  escaping.  It  is 
another  singular  circumstance,  that  an  expedition  so  complex, 
formed  of  armies  of  different  nations,  and  of  land  and  sea 
forces,  should  with  such  perfect  concord  be  assembled  from 
different  places  by  land  and  water,  form  their  junction  punct- 
ually, without  the  least  retard  by  cross  accidents  of  wind  or 


'  The  "glorious  news"  here  referred  to  was  the  capitulation  of  Corn- 
wallis'  army  at  Yorktown,  on  the  17th  of  October  preceding. 


•T'^OMit"J''^'**"**^ii*'^^'^"^''^^'**^'^''^"^'°^'^^^^ 


J^.^-' 


I 

I, 


10 

weather,  or  interruption  from  the  enemy ;  and  that  the  army 
which  was  their  object  should  in  the  meantime  have  the  good- 
ness to  quit  a  situation  from  whence  it  might  have  escaped,  and 
place  itself  in  another  whence  an  escape  was  impossible. 

General  Greene  has  done  wonders,  too,  in  Carolina.  I  hear 
that  a  reinforcement  was  to  be  sent  to  him  from  the  army  in 
Virginia,  and  that  there  are  hopes  of  his  reducing  Charleston. 
You  have  probably  in  the  enclosed  packet  the  account  of  his  last 
great  action.  Count  de  Grasse  sailed  on  the  30th  with  the  fleet 
and  part  of  the  land  forces.  His  destination  is  not  mentioned. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc.,  B.  Franklin. 


TO  FRANCIS   HOPKINSON. 

Passy,  24  December,  lySg. 

Dear  Sir  : —  I  thank  you  for  your  ingenious  paper  in  favor 
of  the  trees.  I  own  I  now  wish  we  had  two  rows  of  them  in 
every  one  of  our  streets.  The  comfortable  shelter  they  would 
afford  us,  when  walking,  from  our  burning  summer  suns,  and 
the  greater  coolness  of  our  walls  and  pavements,  would,  I  con- 
ceive in  the  improved  health  of  the  inhabitants,  amply  compen- 
sate the  loss  of  a  house  now  and  then  by  fire,  if  such  should  be 
the  consequence.  But  a  tree  is  soon  felled ;  and,  as  axes  are 
at  hand  in  every  neighborhood,  may  be  down  before  the  engines 
arrive. 

You  do  well  to  avoid  being  concerned  in  the  pieces  of  per- 
sonal abuse,  so  scandalously  common  in  our  newspapers  that  I 
am  afraid  to  lend  any  of  them  here  until  I  have  examined  and 
laid  aside  such  as  would  disgrace  us,  and  subject  us  among 
strangers  to  a  reflection  like  that  used  by  a  gentleman  in  a 
coffee-house  to  two  quarrellers,  who,  after  a  mutually  free  use 
of  the  words,  rogue,  vtila'r,  rascal,  scoundrel,  etc.,  seemed  as  if 
they  would  refer  their  dispute  to  him  :  "  I  know  "othing  of  you, 
or  your  affairs,''  said  he  ;  "  I  only  perceive  ikai  you  know  one 
another" 

The  conductor  of  a  newspaper  should,  methinks,  consider 
himself  as  in  some  degree  the  guardian  of  his  country's  reputa- 
tion, and  refuse  to  insert  such  writings  as  may  hurt  it.  If  people 
will  print  their  abuses  of  one  another,  let  them  do  it  in  little 
pamphlets,  and  d'stribute  them  where  they  think  proper.  It  is 
absurd  to  trouble  all  the  world  with  them ;  and  unjust  to  sub- 


•'?^.-,--7:^r':v5';r^^T'i!S^T*a^^ 


/■ 


tl 


t  the  army 
the  good- 
caped,  and 
ible. 

na.  I  hear 
he  army  in 
Charleston, 
t  of  his  last 
ith  the  fleet 
mentioned. 

NKLIN. 


scribers  in  distant  places,  to  stuff  their  paper  with  matters  so 
unprofitable  and  so  disagreeable.  With  sincere  esteem  and 
affection,  I  am,  etc.,  B.   Franklin. 


iber,  i-jSa. 

aper  in  favor 
s  of  them  in 
they  would 
er  suns,  and 
would,  1  con- 
iply  compen- 
ch  should  be 
,  as  axes  are 
e  the  engines 

pieces  of  per- 
papers  that  I 
xamined  and 
:ct  us  among 
ntleman  in  a 
jally  free  use 
seemed  as  if 
ithing  of  you, 
you  know  one 

nks,  consider 
itry's  reputa- 
it.  If  people 
lo  it  in  little 
proper.  It  is 
njust  to  sub- 


The  letters  of  Franklin  in  the  present  leaflet  are  selected  from  the  hun- 
dreds of  letters  written  during  his  residence  in  France  as  American  minister 
(1776-1785),  to  give  the  student  some  indication  of  the  variety  of  interests 
which  occupied  his  mind  during  those  crowded  years.  It  was  late  in  the 
autumn  of  1776  that.  Congress  determined  to  send  Franlclin,  then  over 
seventy,  to  take  charge  of  the  French  mission.  When  asked  to  undertake 
the  service  he  said,  "  I  am  old  and  good  for  nothing ;  but,  as  the  store- 
keepers say  of  their  remnants  of  cloth,  '  I  am  a  fag-end  ;  you  may  have  me 
for  what  you  please.'  " 

The  letter  to  Hancock,  which  is  the  first  here  given,  announces  Frank- 
lin's arrival  in  France.  The  letter  to  Mrs.  .Stevenson  is  interesting  for  the 
glimpses  it  affords  of  Franklin's  manner  of  life  at  Passy.  The  letter  to 
John  Quincy  Adams,  then  a  boy  of  twelve,  accompanying  his  father  on  his 
European  embassy,  will  be  especially  interesting  to  the  younger  students. 
The  letter  to  Richard  Price  is  valuable  for  the  strong  condemnation  of  war 
which  it  contains,  and  its  plea  for  some  plan  whereby  nations  could  "  settle 
their  disputes  without  first  cutting  one  another's  throats."  There  is  a 
strong  passage  to  the  same  effect  in  one  of  Franklin's  letters  to  Dr.  Ship- 
ley, the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  dated  Passy,  10  June,  1782.  He  says: 
"  After  much  occasion  to  consider  the  folly  and  mischiefs  of  a  state  of  war- 
fare, and  the  little  or  no  advantage  obtained  even  by  those  nations  who 
have  conducted  it  with  the  most  success,  I  have  been  apt  to  think  that 
there  has  never  been,  nor  ever  will  be,  any  such  thing  as  a  good  war,  or  a 
bad  peace.''  He  uses  the  same  expression  in  an  interesting  loiter  to  Josiah 
Quincy,  dated  Sept.  11,  1783,  which  the  reader  may  find  in  Bigelow's  edi- 
tion of  Franklin's  Writings,  vol.  viii,  p.  351.  In  the  same  volume,  p.  463, 
see  the  passage  on  the  Impolicy  of  War. 

Did  space  permit,  selections  would  be  given  from  the  many  letters 
showing  Franklin's  continuous  and  great  labors  for  the  financial  relief  of 
the  Colonies,  which  constitute  u  large  proportion  of  the  whole  body  of  let- 
ters. These  are  historically  of  great  significance,  and,  along  with  the  great 
mass  of  Franklin's  other  letters  written  in  France,  will  be  consulted  by  the 
careful  student  in  the  editions  of  Franklin's  Writings,  edited  by  Bigelow 
and  Sparks.  F.dward  Everett  Hale's  work  on  Franklin  in  France,  contain- 
ing many  letters  not  elsewhere  published,  is  highly  important  in  this  connec- 
tion J  and  the  biographies  of  Franklin  by  Bigelow,  Parton  and  McMaster 
will    be   consultf-^.     Younger  readers   may  prefer  the   Autobiography  of 


/■■• 


^-uL. 


?,®saaw*«a*«»«!i*'^'»'*«^ 


12 

/ 
Franklin,  edited  and  continued  by  D.  H.  Montgomery,  in  Ginn's  skries  of 
"Classics  for  Cliiklren."     Such  readers  are  asked  to  note  especially  I'ne 
chapter  on  Franklin's  Mission  to  France  (p.  271). 

F'ranklin  returned  to  America  in  the  summer  of  1785.  In  the  previous 
year  he  wrote  as  follows  in  a  letter  to  John  Jay  :  "  I  have,  as  you  observe, 
some  enemies  in  Kn^jland,  hut  they  are  my  enemies  as  an  American ;  I 
have  also  two  or  three  in  America,  who  are  my  enemies  as  a  minister  ;  but 
1  thank  (iod  there  are  not  in  the  whole  world  any  who  are  my  enemies  as  a 
man ;  for  by  his  grace,  through  a  long  life,  1  have  been  enabled  so  to  con- 
duct myself  that  there  does  not  exLst  a  human  being  who  can  justly  say, 
'  Hen  Franklin  has  wronged  me.'  This,  my  friend,  is  in  old  age  a  comfort- 
able reflection.  You  too  have,  or  may  have,  your  enemies ;  but  let  not 
that  render  you  unhappy,  it  you  make  a  right  use  of  them,  they  will  do 
you  more  good  than  harm.  They  point  out  to  us  our  faults;  they  put  us 
upon  our  guard,  and  help  us  to  live  more  correctly." 


i***"%^i4S^''.nMmu-*-->^m^''^m0^mmf^ 


Ginn's  skries  of 
:e  especially  the 

In  the  previous 
js  you  observe, 
in  American  ;  I 
a  minister  ;  but 
ny  enemies  as  a 
ibled  so  to  con- 
3  can  justly  say, 
age  a  conifort- 
ies ;  t)ut  let  not 
lein,  they  will  do 
ilts  ;  they  put  us 


(Din  ^outl)  acflflctifli. 

SEVENTH   SERIES,    1889  No.  6. 


Letters  of 
Washington  and 

Lafayette. 


LAFAYETTE    TO    WASHINGTON. 

"Camp, 30  December,  7777. 
"  My  Dear  General  :— I  went  yesterday  morning  to  head- 
quarters, with  an  intention  of  speaking  to  your  Excellency,  but 
you  were  too  busy,  and  I  shall  state  in  this  letter  what  I  wished 
to  say.  I  need  not  tell  you  how  sorry  I  am  at  what  has  lately 
happened ;  it  is  a  necessary  result  of  my  tender  and  respectful 
friendship  for  you,  which  is  as  true  and  candid  as  the  other 
sentiments  of  my  heart,  and  much  stronger  than  so  ntv,  r-.j 
acquaintance  might  seem  to  admit.  But  another  reason  for  my 
concern  is  my  ardent  and  perhaps  enthusiastic  wish  for  the 
happiness  and  Mberty  of  this  country.  I  see  plainly  that 
America  can  defend  herself,  if  proper  measures  are  taken  ;  but 
I  begin  to  fear  that  she  may  be  lost  by  herself  sua  her  own 
sons. 

"When  I  was  in  Europe,  I  thought  that  here  almost  every 
man  was  a  lover  of  liberty,  and  would  rather  die  free  than  live  a 
slave.  You  can  conceive  my  astonishment  when  I  saw  that 
Toryism  was  as  apparently  professed  as  Whigism  itself.  There 
are  open  dissensions  in  Congress  ;  parties  who  hale,  one  another 
as  much  as  the  common  enemy  ;  men  who,  without  knowing 
any  thing  about  war,  undertake  to  judge  you,  and  to  make 
ridiculous  comparisons.  They  are  infatuated  with  Gates,  with- 
out thinking  of  the  diffevenre  of  circumstances,  and  believe  that 
attacking  is  the  only  thing  necessary  to  conquer.  These  ideas 
are  entertained  by  some  jealous  men,  and  perhaps  secret  friends 
of  the  British  government,'  who  want  to  push  you,  in  a  moment 
of  ill  humor,  to  some  rash  enterprise  upon  the  lines,  o'  against 
a  much  stronger  army. 


.-£Sl''«»rt'»i|KW 


■■^(^ts^^i^iMAf^^£^isa»i^^'H^-^ 


w 


wmn 


"  I  should  not  take  the  liberty  of  mentioning  these  particu- 
lars to  you,  if  I  had  not  received  a  letter  from  a  young,  good- 
natured  gentleman  at  Yorktown,  whom  Conway  has  ruined  by 
his  cunning  and  bad  advice,  but  who  entertains  the  greatest 
respect  for  you.  I  have  been  surprised  to  see  the  poor 
establishment  of  the  Board  of  War,  the  difference  made  between 
northern  and  southern  departments,  and  the  orders  from 
Congress  about  military  operations.  But  the  promotion  of 
Conway  is  beyond  all  my  expectations.  I  should  be  glad  to  have 
new  major-generals,  because,  as  I  know  that  you  take  some 
interest  in  my  happiness  and  reputation,  it  will  perhaps  afford 
an  occasion  for  your  Excellency  to  give  me  more  agreeable 
commands  in  some  instances.  On  the  other  hand.  General 
Conway  says  he  is  entirely  a  man  to  be  disposed  of  by  me,  he 
calls  himself  my  soldier,  and  the  reason  of  such  behaviour 
towards  me  is,  that  he  wishes  to  be  well  spoken  of  at  the  French 
Court ;  and  his  protector,  the  Marquis  de  Castries,  is  an  intimate 
acquaintance  of  mine. 

"  But  since  the  letter  of  Lord  Stirling,  I  have  inquired  into 
his  character,  and  found  that  he  is  an  ambitious  and  dangerous 
man.  He  has  done  all  in  his  power  to  draw  off  my  confidence 
and  affection  from  you.  His  desire  was  to  engage  me  to  leave 
this  country.  I  now  see  all  the  general  officers  of  the  army 
against  Congress.  Such  disputes,  if  known  to  the  enemy,  may 
be  attended  with  the  worst  consequences.  I  am  very  sorry 
whenever  I  perceive  troubles  raised  amongst  defenders  of  the 
same  cause ;  but  my  concern  is  much  greater,  when  I  find 
officers  coming  from  France,  officers  of  some  character  in  my 
country,  to  whom  a  fault  of  that  kind  may  be  imputed.  The 
reason  for  my  fondness  for  Conway  was  his  being  a  very  brave 
and  very  good  officer.  However,  that  talent  for  mancEuvering, 
which  seems  so  extraordinary  to  Congress,  is  not  so  very 
difficult  a  matter  for  any  man  of  common  sense,  who  applies 
himself  to  it.  I  must  render  to  General  Duportail  and  some 
other  French  officers,  who  have  spoken  to  me,  the  justice  to  say, 
that  I  found  them  as  I  could  wish  upon  this  occasion,  although 
it  has  made  a  great  noise  amongst  many  in  the  army.  I  wish 
your  Excellency  could  let  them  know  how  necessary  you  are  to 
them,  and  engage  them  at  the  same  time  to  keep  peace  and 
reinstate  love  among  themselves,  till  the  moment  when  these 
little  disputes  shall  not  be  attended  with  such  inconveniences. 
It  would  be  too  great  a  pity,  that  slavery,  dishonor,  ruin,  and 
the  unhappiness  of  a  whole  nation,  should  issue  from  trifling 
differences  betwixt  a  few  men. 


"  ^^^?fe*5»SK«*(WsiE{ife«iS,'-^^ 


lese  particu- 
^ouiig,  good- 
s  ruined  by 
:he  greatest 
B  the  poor 
ade  between 
jrders  from 
romotion  of 
glad  to  have 
I  take  some 
rhaps  afford 
re  agreeable 
ind,  General 
of  by  me,  he 
;h  behaviour 
It  the  French 
san  intimate 

nquired  into 
d  dangerous 
ly  confidence 
me  to  leave 
of  the  army 
enemy,  may 
n  very  sorry 
nders  of  the 
when  I  find 
racter  in  my 
iputed.  The 
a  very  brave 
nanceuvering, 
not  so  very 
,  who  applies 
tail  and  some 
justice  to  say, 
lion,  although 
irmy.  I  wish 
ry  you  are  to 
;ep  peace  and 
t  when  these 
:onveniences. 
nor,  ruin,  and 
I  from  trifling 


"You  will  perhaps  find  this  letter  very  unimportant ;  but  I 
was  desirous  of  explaining  to  you  some  of  my  ideas,  because  it 
will  contribute  to  my  satisfaction  to  be  convinced,  that  you,  my 
dear  General,  who  have  been  so  indulgent  as  to  permit  me  to 
look  on  you  as  a  friend,  should  know  my  sentiments.  I  have 
the  warmest  love  for  my  country,  and  for  all  good  Frenchmen. 
Their  success  fills  my  heart  with  joy  ;  but.  Sir,  besides  that 
Conway  is  an  Irishman,  1  want  countrymen,  who  in  every  point 
do  honor  to  their  country.  That  gentleman  had  engaged  me, 
by  entertaining  my  imagination  with  ideas  of  glory  and  shining 
projects,  and  I  -must  confess  this  was  a  too  certain  way  of 
deceiving  me.  I  wish  to  join  to  the  few  theories  about  war, 
which  I  possess,  and  to  the  few  dispositions  which  nature  has 
given  me,  the  experience  of  thirty  campaigns,  in  the  hope  that  I 
should  be  able  to  be  more  useful  in  my  present  sphere.  My 
desire  of  deserving  your  approbation  is  strong ;  and,  whenever 
you  shall  employ  me,  you  can  be  certain  of  my  trying  every 
exertion  in  my  power  to  succeed.  I  am  now  bound  to  your 
fate,  and  I  shall  follow  it  and  sustain  it,  as  well  by  my  sword  as 
by  all  the  means  in  my  power.  You  will  pardon  my  importunity. 
Youth  and  friendship  perhaps  make  me  too  warm,  but  I  feel  the 
greatest  concern  at  recent  events.  With  the  most  tender  and 
profound  respect,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c." 


:  '  WASHINGTON  TO  LAFAYETTE.  v'! 

^'Head-Quarters, 31  December,  iTJf. 
"Mv  Dear  Marquis: — Your  favor  of  yesterday  conveyed 
to  me  fresh  proof  of  that  friendship  and  attachment,  which  I 
have  happily  experienced  since  the  first  of  our  acquaintance, 
and  for  which  I  entertain  sentiments  of  the  purest  affection.  It 
will  ever  constitute  part  of  my  happiness  to  know  that  I  stand 
well  in  your  opinion  ;  because  I  am  satisfied  that  you  can  have 
no  views  to  answer  by  throwing  out  false  colors,  and  that  you 
possess  a  mind  too  exalted  to  condescend  to  low  arts  and 
intrigues  to  acquire  a  reputation.  Happy,  thrice  happy,  would 
it  have  been  for  this  army,  and  the  cause  we  are  embarked  in, 
if  the  same  generous  spirit  had  pervaded  all  the  actors  in  it. 
But  one  gentleman,  whose  hame  you  have  mentioned,  had,  I  am 
confident,  far  different  views.  His  ambition  and  great  desire  of 
being  puffed  off,  as  one  of  the  first  officers  of  the  age,  could 
only  be  equalled  by  the  means  which  he  used  to  obtain  them  ; 


%m 


but  finding  that  I  was  determined  not  to  go  beyond  the  line  of 
mv  duty  to  indulge  him  in  the  first,  nor  to  exceed  the  strictest 
rules  of  propriety  to  gratify  him  in  the  second,  he  became  my 
in-'-verate  enemy;  and  he  has,  I  am  persuaded,  practised  every 
art  to  Jo  me  an  injury,  even  at  the  expense  of  reprobating  a 
measure,  which  did   not  succeed,  that  he  himself  advised  to. 
How  far  he  may  have  accomplished  his  ends,  I  know  not ;  and, 
except  for  considerations  of  a  public  nature,  I  care  not;  for  it 
is  well  known,  that  neither  ambitious  nor  lucrative  motives  led 
me   to   accept  my  present  appointments;   in  the  discharge  ot 
which,  I  have  endeavoured  to  observe  one  steady  and  uniform 
svstem  of  conduct,  which   I   shall   invariably  pursue,  while  I 
have  the  honor  to  command,  regardless  of  the  tongue  of  slander 
or  the  powers  of  detraction.     The  fatal  tendency  of  disunion  is 
so  obvious,  that  I  have  in  earnest  terms  exhorted  such  ofiicers, 
as  have  expresseu  their  dissatisfaction   at   General  Conway  s 
proirotion,  to  be  cool  and  dispassionate  in  their  decision  upon 
the  matter ;  and  I  have  hopes  that  they  will  not  suffer  any  hasty 
determination  to  injure  the  service.     At  the  same  time,  it  must 
be  ackno  vledged,  that  officers'  feelings  upon  these  occasions 
are  not  to  be  restrained,  although  you  may  control  their  actions. 
"  The  other  observations  contained  in  your  letter  have  too 
much  truth  in  them  ;  and  it  is  much  to  be  lamented,  that  things 
are  not  now  as  they  formerly  were  ;  but  we  must  not,  in  so  great 
a  contest,  expect  to  meet  with  nothing  but  sunshine.     I  have  no 
doubt   that   everything   happens   for   the   best,   that   we   shall 
triumph  over  all  our  misfortunes,  and  m  the  end  be  happy; 
when,  my  dear  Marquis,  if  you  will  give  me  your  company  in 
Virginia,  we  will  laugh  at  our  past  difficulties  and  the  folly  ot 
othirs;  and  I  will  endeavour,  by  every  civility  ir.  my  poNver,  to 
show  you  how  much  and  how  sincerely  I  am  your  affectionate 
and  obedient  servant."  ' 

LAFAYETTE  TO  WASHINGTON. 

"St.  yean  d'Angely,  i»  Jtme,  1779. 
"  My  Dear  General  :— There  is  at  length  a  safe  occasion 
of  writing  to  you,  and  of  assuring  Y^"  what  sincere  concern  I 
feel  at  our  se,  aration.  I  had  acquired  such  a  habit  of  be  ng 
inseparable  froi  ^  you,  that  I  am  more  and  more  afflicted  at  the 
distance,  which  keeps  me  so  far  from  my  dearest  friend,  and 
especially  at  this  particular  time,  as  I  think  the  campaign  ?s 
opened,  and  that  you  are  in  the  field.     I  ardently  wish  I  might 


'JSV'ilB^dSlll 


d  the  line  of 

(lie  strictest 

e  became  my 

actised  every 

eprobaling  a 

advised  to. 

3W  not ;  and, 

re  not ;  for  It 

motives  led 

discharge  of 

r  and  uniform 

rsue,  while  I 

;ue  of  slander 

)f  disunion  is 

such  officers, 

ral  Conway's 

lecision  upon 

ffer  any  hasty 

time,  it  must 

ese  occasions 

their  actions. 

titer  have  too 

^d.  that  things 

ot,  in  so  great 

le.     I  have  no 

that  we   shall 

nd  be  happy; 

ir  company  in 

id  the  folly  of 

my  power,  to 

ur  affectionate 


I  safe  occasion 
ere  concern  I 
riabit  of  being 
ifflicted  at  the 
;st  friend,  and 
;  campaign  '.s 
wish  I  might 


5 

be  near  you,  know  every  interesting  event,  and  if  possible  con- 
tribute to  your  success  and  glory. 

"'uiclosed  is  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  C^ngress,  in  which  you 
will  find  such  intelligence  as  I  was  to  give  them.  The  Chevalier 
de  la  Luzerne  intends  going  to  Congress  by  the  way  of  head- 
quarters. 1  promised  that  I  would  introduce  him  to  your 
Excellency,  and  I  have  desired  him  to  let  you  know  any  piece 
ot  news,  which  he  has  bf^r.  entrusted  with.  By  what  you  will 
hear,  my  dear  Gener;?i,  you  will  see  that  our  affairs  take  a  good 
turn.  Besides  the  fat'orable  dispositions  of  Spain,  Ireland  is  a 
good  deal  tired  o'f  English  oppression.  In  confidence  I  would 
tell  you,  that  the  scheme  of  my  heart  would  be  to  make  it  as 
free  and  independent  as  America.  God  grant  that  the  sun  of 
freedom  may  at  length  arise  for  the  happiness  of  mankind.  I 
shall  know  more  about  Ireland  in  a  few  weeks,  and  I  will 
immediately  inform  your  Excillency.  As  to  Congress,  there  are 
so  many  people  in  it,  that  one  cannot  safely  unbosom  himself, 
as  he  does  to  his  best  friend.  After  referring  you  to  the 
Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne  for  what  concerns  the  public  news,  the 
present  situation  of  affairs,  and  the  designs  of  our  ministry,  1 
will  only  speak  to  your  Excellency  about  the  great  article  of 
money.  It  gave  me  much  trouble,  and  I  so  much  insisted  upon 
it,  that  the  director  of  finances  looks  upon  me  as  his  evil  genius. 
France  has  incurred  great  expenses  lately.  The  Spaniards  will 
not  easily  give  their  dollars.  However,  Dr.  Franklin  has  got 
some  money  to  pay  the  bills  of  Congress,  and  I  hope  I  shall 
determine  the  government  to  greater  sacrifices.  Serving 
America  is  to  my  heart  an  inexpressible  happiness. 

"There  is  another  point  upon  which  you  should  employ 
all  your  influence  and  popularity.  For  God's  sake  prevent  the 
Congress  from  disputing  loudly  together.  Nothing  so  much 
hurts  the  interests  and  reputation  of  America,  as  these  intestine 
quarrels.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are  two  parties  in  France  ; 
Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Lee  on  one  part;  Dr.  Franklin  and  his 
friends  on  the  other.  So  great  is  the  concern,  which  these 
divisions  give  me,  that  I  cannot  wait  on  these  gentlemen  as 
much  as  I  could  wish,  for  fear  of  mentioning  disputes,  and  bring- 
ing them  to  a  greater  height. 

"I  send  enclosed  a  small  ncfte  for  M.  Neuville.  Give  me 
leave  to  recommend  to  your  Excellency  the  bearer  thereof,  our 
new  minister  plenipotentiary,  who  seems  to  me  extremely  well 
qualified  for  deserving  general  esteem  and  regard. 

"I  know  you  wish  to  hear  something  about   my  private 


.  ^jj^^^j^|5eKiw^>a^**i^'*«'W^V»»&i«ftS  uW^KfcWWjiwsrt^^ 


affairs.  I  gave  an  account  of  them  to  Congress,  and  sh  ill  only 
add,  that  I  am  here  as  happy  as  possible.  My  family,  my 
friends,  my  countrymen,  gave  me  such  a  reception,  and  show 
me  every  day  such  an  affection,  as  1  could  not  have  hoped. 
For  some  days  I  have  been  in  this  place,  where  are  the  King's 
own  regiment  of  dragoons,  which  I  command,  and  some 
regiments  of  infantry,  which  are  for  the  present  under  my 
orders.  But  what  1  want,  my  dear  General,  and  what  would 
make  me  the  happiest  of  men,  is  to  join  again  the  American 
colors,  or  to  put  under  your  orders  a  division  of  four  or  five 
thousand  of  my  countrymen.  In  case  any  such  cooperation,  or 
any  private  expedition  is  wished  for,  I  think,  if  peace  is  not 
settled  this  winter,  that  an  early  demand  might  be  complied 
with  for  the  next  campaign.  Our  ministers  are  rather  slow  in 
their  operations,  and  have  a  great  desire  for  peace,  provided  it 
is  an  honorable  one  ;  so  that  I  th.nk  America  must  show  her- 
self in  earnest  for  war,  till  such  conditions  are  obtained. 
American  independence  is  a  certain,  an  undoubted  point;  but  I 
wish  that  inilependence  to  be  acknowledged  on  advantageous 
terms.  On  the  whole,  between  ourselves,  as  to  what  concerns 
the  royal  and  ministerial  good  will  towards  America,  I,  an 
American  citizen,  am  fully  satisfied  with  it,  and  I  am  sure  the 
alliance  and  friendship  between  both  nations  will  be  established 
in  such  a  way  as  will  last  for  ever. 

"  Be  so  kind  as  to  present  my  respects  to  your  lady,  and 
tell  her  how  happy  I  should  feel  to  present  them  myself,  and 
at  her  own  house.  I  have  a  wife,  my  dear  General,  who  is  in 
love  with  you,  and  affection  for  you  seems  to  me  so  well  justi- 
fied, that  1  cannot  oppose  that  sentiment  in  her.  She  begs  you 
will  receive  her  compliments,  and  make  them  acceptable  to 
Mrs.  Washington.  I  hope  you  will  come  to  see  us  in  Europe ; 
and  most  certainly  I  give  you  my  word,  that,  if  I  am  not  happy 
enough  to  be  sent  to  America  before  the  peace,  I  shall  by  all 
means  go  there  as  soon  as  I  can  escape.  I  beg  you  will  present 
my  best  compliments  to  your  family,  and  remind  them  of  my 
tender  regard  for  them  all ;  and  also  to  the  general  officers,  to 
all  the  officers  of  the  army,  and  to  all  the  friends  I  have  there. 
I  entreat  you  to  let  me  hear  from  you.  Write  to  me  how  you 
do,  and  how  things  are  going  on.  The  minutest  details  will  be 
interesting  to  me.  Do  not  forget  any  thing  concerning  yourself. 
With  the  highest  respect  and  the  most  sincere  friendship,  I 
have  the  honor  to  be,  &c." 


d  sh  ill  only 

family,  my 

1,  and  show 

lave  hoped. 

the  King's 

and    some 

t   under   my 

what  would 

he   American 

f  four  or  five 

joperation,  or 

peace  is  not 

be   complied 

ither  slow  in 

e,  provided  it 

ist  show  her- 

ire    obtained. 

i  point ;  but  I 

advantageous 

vhat  concerns 

merica,  I,  an 

1  am  sure  the 

be  established 

your  lady,  and 
m  myself,  and 
sral,  who  is  in 

so  well  justi- 
She  begs  you 
acceptable  to 
us  in  Europe ; 
am  not  happy 
,  I  shall  by  all 
Qu  will  present 
d  them  of  my 
ral  officers,  to 
5  I  have  there. 

me  how  you 
details  will  be 
rning  yourself. 

friendship,  I 


WASHINC.ION   TO    I.AKAVKTTK. 
» 

"W-V.r/  /'(lint,  JO  St(<Umber,  mQ. 

"  My  Dear  Marquis  : — A  few  days  ago  1  wrote  you  a  letter 
in  much  haste.  Since  that.  I  have  been  honored  with  the 
company  of  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  and  by  him  was 
favored  with  your  obliging  letter  of  the  12th  of  June,  which 
filled  me  with  equal  pleasure  and  surprise;  the  latter  at  hearing 
that  you  had  not  received  one  of  the  many  letters  I  had  written 
to  you  since  you  left  the  American  shore.  It  gave  me  infinite 
pleasure  to  hear,' from  yourself,  of  the  favorable  reception  you 
met  with  from  your  sovereign,  and  of  the  joy,  which  your  safe 
arrival  in  France  had  diffused  among  your  friends.  I  had  no 
doubt  that  this  would  be  the  case,  'i'o  hear  it  from  yourself 
adds  pleasure  to  the  account ;  and  here,  my  dear  friend,  let  me 
congratulate  you  on  your  new,  honorable,  and  pleasing  appoint- 
ment in  the  army  commanded  by  the  Count  de  Vaux,  which  I 
shall  accompany  with  an  assurance,  that  none  can  do  it  with 
more  warmth  of  affection,  or  sincere  joy,  than  myself.  Your 
forward  zeal  in  the  cause  of  liberty;  your  singular  attachment  to 
this  infant  world;  your  ardent  and  persevering  elTorts,  not  only 
in  America,  but  since  your  return  to  France,  to  serve  the  United 
States  ;  your  polite  attention  to  Americans,  and  your  strict  and 
uniform  friendship  for  »;<*,  have  ripened  the  first  impressions  of 
esteem  and  attachment,  which  I  imbibed  for  you,  into  such 
perfect  love  and  gratitude,  as  neither  time  nor  .ibsence  can 
impair.  This  will  warrant  my  assuring  you,  that,  whether  in  the 
character  of  an  officer  at  the  head  of  a  corps  of  gallant  French- 
men, if  circumstances  should  require  this,  whether  as  a  major- 
general  commanding  a  division  of  the  American  army,  or 
whether,  after  our  swords  and  spears  have  given  place  to  the 
ploughshare  and  pruning-hook,  I  see  you  as  a  private  gentle- 
man, a  friend  and  coinpanion,  I  shall  welcome  you  with  all  the 
warmth  of  friendship  to  Columbia's  shores;  and,  in  the  latter 
case,  to  my  rural  cottage,  where  homely  fare  and  a  cordial 
reception  shall  be  substituted  for  delicacies  and  costly  living. 
This,  from  past  experience,  I  know  you  can  subinit  to ;  and  if 
the  lovely  partner  of  your  happiness  will  consent  to  participate 
with  Hs  in  such  niral  entertaininent  and  amusements,  I  can 
undertake,  in  behalf  of  Mrs.  Washington,  that  she  will  do  every 
thing  in  her  power  to  make  Virginia  agreeable  to  the  Marchion- 
ess. My  inclination  and  endeavours  to  do  this  cannot  be 
doubted,  when  I  assure  you,  that  I  love  every  body  that  is  dear 


'-■^3t»ja»ilgsa><iii<w>*''ji"''»«»'»»'°*>'*«'*«^ 


8 

to  you,  and  consequently  participate  in  the  pleasure  you  feel  in 
the  \<  spcct  of  a;;ain  becoming  a  parent,  and  do  mnsf  sincerely 
congkaiulate  you  and  your  lady  on  this  fresh  pledj;e  she  is  about 
to  give  you  of  her  love. 

"  I  thank  yon  f.)r  the  trouble  you  have  taken  and  your  polite 
attention,  in  favoring  me  with  a  copy  of  your  letter  to  Congress  ; 
and  feel,  as  I  am  persuaded  they  must  do,  the  force  of  such 
ardent  zeal  as  you  therein  express  for  the  interest  of  this 
country.  The  propriety  of  the  hint  you  have  f,Mven  ihein  must 
carry  conviction,  and  I  trust  will  have  a  salutary  effect  ;  thoujrh 
there  is  not,  1  believe,  the  same  occasion  for  the  admonition 
now,  th.nt  there  was  several  montli^  ago.  Many  late  changf'^ 
have  *,iken  place  in  that  honorable  body,  which  have  removed 
XT)  a  very  great  degn-e,  if  not  wholly,  the  discordant  spirit  which, 
it  is  said,  prevailed  in  the  winter;  and  1  hope  measures  will  al.so 
he  taken  to  remove  t'lose  unhappy  and  improper  differences, 
which  have  extended  theinseKes  elsewhere,  to  the  prejudice  of 
our  affairs  in  Europe 

"  I  have  had  great  pleasure  in  the  vsit,  which  the  Chevalier 
de  la  Luzerne  and  Monsieur  Marbois  did  me  the  honor  to  make 
at  this  camp;  concerning  both  of  whom  I  have  imbibed  the 
most  favorable  impressions,  and  I  thank  you  for  the  honorable 
mention  you  made  of  me  to  them.  The  Chevalier,  till  he  had 
announced  himself  to  Congress,  did  not  choose  to  be  received  in 
his  public  character.  If  he  had,  except  paying  him  military 
honors,  it  was  not  my  intention  to  di 'nrt  from  that  plain  and 
simple  manner  of  living,  which  accords  with  the  real  interest 
and  policy  of  men  struggling  under  every  diC'  ulty  for  the 
att.dnment  of  the  most  inestimable  blessing  <  :  life,  liberty. 
The  Chevalier  was  polite  enough  to  approve  my  principle,  and 
condescended  to  appear  pleased  with  our  Spartan  living.  In  a 
word,  he  made  is  all  exceedingly  happy  by  his  affability  and 
good  humor,  while  he  remained  in  camp. 

"  You  are  pleased,  my  dear  Marquis,  to  express  an  earnest 
desire  of  seeing  mc  in  France,  after  the  establish. ..ent  of  our 
independency,  an  '  do  me  the  honor  to  add,  that  you  are  not 
singular  in  your  request.  Let  me  entreat  you  to  be  persuaded, 
that  to  meet  you  any  where,  after  the  final  accomplishment  of 
so  glorious  an  event,  would  contribute  to  my  hnnni- fss  ;  and 
that  to  visit  a  country,  to  whose  generous  a  <  tand  so 
much  indebted,  would  be  an  additional  pleasure  ;)ut  remember, 
m\  good  friend,  that  I  -.m  unacquainted  with  your  language, 
that   I  am  too  far  advanced  in  years  to  acquire  a  knowledge  of 


-SfegS»'i«J»P  ■ 


■:»«»-, 


^ 


ire  you  feei  in 
losr  sincerely 
;e  slie  is  about 

nrl  your  polite 

to  ("onj^ress ; 

I'lrct    of  such 

i;rest   jf  this 

en    hem  must 

iTect  :  thou^'h 

le   adiii'initi-  r 

Inte   changfs 

iiave  removed 

It  spirit  which, 

isures  will  also 

r  difVerences, 

;   prejudice  of 

the  Chevalier 

horior  to  make 

e  imbibed  the 

the  honorable 

ier,  till  he  had 

be  received  in 

J  him   military 

hat  i(l;iin  and 

B  real  interest 

'i'  ulty  for  the 

I    life,   liberty. 

principle,  and 

livinf^.     In  a 

affability  and 

ess  an  earnest 
ili.uent  of  our 
t  you  are  not 
36  persuaded, 
iplishment  of 
ippircss  ;  and 
we  ^tand  so 
)ut  remember, 
our  language, 
knowledge  of 


it,  .1.1(1  that,  to  converse  through  the  medium  of  an  interpreter 
upon  common  occasions,  especially  with  the  ladies,  must  appear 
so  exticmely  awkw.ird,  insipid,  and  un'"uth,  that  1  can  scarcely 
bear  it  in  idea.  I  will,  therefore,  hold  myself  diseng  igti.  for 
the  present ;  but  when  I  see  you  in  Virginia,  we  will  t.ilk  of  this 
matter  and  fix  our  plans. 

The  decl. nation  of  Spain,  in  l.ivor  of  Fr.ince  has  given 
universal  joy  t  i  every  Whig;  while  the  poor  Tory  droops,  like  a 
withering  ilower  under  a  declining  sun.  We  are  anxiously 
expecting  to  l)ear  of  great  and  important  events  on  your  side  of 
the  Atlantic.  At  present,  the  imagination  is  left  in  the  wide 
fi'.ld  of  conjecture.  Our  eyes  one  moment  are  turned  to  an 
invasion  of  England,  then  of  Ireland,  Minorca,  dibraltar.  In  a 
word,  we  ho|n'  every  thing,  but  know  not  what  to  expect,  or 
where  to  fix.  The  glorious  six  cess  of  Count  d'Estaing  in  the 
West  Indies,  at  the  same  time  t)  :t  it  adds  dominion  to  France, 
and  fresh  lustre  to  her  arms,  is  .i  source  of  new  and  unexpected 
vc\\'iiox\,\\\\i:  \.o  o\\\  tender  and  f^inerotis  pni I  nt,  ?iVi(\  nmst  ser\e  to 
convince  her  of  the  folly  of  quitting  the  substance  in  pursuit  of 
a  shadow  ;  and,  as  there  is  no  experience  etjual  to  that  which  is 
bought,  1  trust  she  will  have  a  super-abundance  of  this  kind  of 
knowledge,  and  be  convinced,  as  I  hope  all  the  world  and  every 
tyrant  in  it  will  be  that  the  best  and  only  safe  roail  to  honor, 
glory,  and  t  ue  dii;;mly,  is  justke. 

We  have  such  repeated  advices  of  Count  d'Estaing's  being 
in  these  seas,  that,  f'lough  I  have  no  official  information  of  the 
event,  I  cannot  help  giving  entire  credit  t^  'he  report,  ami  looking 
for  his  arrival  every  moment,  and  I  am  preparing  accordingly. 
The  enemy  at  New  Yor^  also  expect  it ;  and,  to  j-uard  against 
the  consecjuences,  as  mudi  as  it  is  in  their  power  to  do,  are 
repairing  and  strengthening  all  the  old  fortifications,  and  adding 
new  ones  in  the  vicinity  ot  the  city.  Tli  ir  fears,  however,  do 
not  retard  an  embarkation,  which  was  ii.  iking,  and  generally 
believed  to  be  for  the  West  Indies  >r  Charleston.  It  still  goes 
forward  ;  and,  by  my  intelligence,  ii  will  consist  of  a  pretty  large 
detachment.  About  fourteen  days  ago,  one  British  regiment 
(the  forty-fourth  ompleted)  and  three  Hessian  regiments  were 
embarked,  and  are  gone,  as  is  supposed,  to  Halifax.  The 
operations  of  the  enemy  this  campaign  have  been  confined  to 
the  establishment  of  works  of  defence,  taking  a  post  at  King's 
Ferry,  and  burning  the  defenceless  towns  of  New  Haven,  Fair- 
field, and  Norwaik,  on  the  bound  within  re;i  h  of  their  shipping, 
where  little  else  was  or  could   be  opposed  to  them,  than  the 


r^sc': 


10 


cries  of  distressed  women  and  lielpless  children  ;'  but  tiiese  were 
(ilTered  in  vain.  Since  tluwe  notai)le  exploits,  they  have  never 
stepped  out  of  tiieir  \vori<s  or  In-yiind  their  lines.  F^ow  ;.  con- 
duct of  this  kind  is  to  effect  the  coiu|nest  of  America,  the 
wisdom  of  a  North,  a  Germain,  or  a  Sandwich  best  can  decide. 
It  is  too  deep  and  relined  for  the  comprehension  of  common 
understanding's  and  the  {general  run  of  politicians. 

Mrs.  Washin;;ton,  who  set  out  for  Virginia  when  we  took 
the  field  in  June,  lias  often  in  her  letters  to  me  incjuired  if  I  had 
heard  from  yon,  and  will  be  much  pleased  at  hearing  that  you 
are  well  and  happy.  In  her  name,  as  she  is  not  here,  I  thank 
you  for  your  polite  attention  to  her,  and  shall  speak  her  sense  of 
the  honor  conferred  on  her  by  the  Marchioness.  When  I  look 
back  to  the  length  of  this  letter,  I  have  not  the  co\irage  to  give 
it  a  careful  reading  for  the  purpose  of  correction.  You  must, 
therefore,  receive  it  witii  all  its  imperfections,  accompanied  with 
this  assurance,  that,  though  there  may  be  many  inaccuracies  in 
the  letter,  there  is  not  a  single  defect  in  the  friendship  of,  my 
dear  Martjuis,  yours,  &c. 


WASHINGTON    TO   I.AFAYKTTE. 

Head-  Quarters,  j  April,  1783. 

My  Dkar  Marquis  :  —  It  is  easier  for  you  to  conceive, 
than  for  me  to  express,  the  sensibilit;,  of  my  heart  at  the  com- 
munications in  your  letter  of  the  5th  of  February  from  Cadiz. 
It  is  to  these  communications  we  are  indebted  for  the  only  ac- 
count yet  received  of  a  general  pn'ification.  My  mind,  upon 
the  receipt  of  this  intelligence,  wa-  instantly  assailed  by  a 
thousand  ideas,  all  of  them  contending  for  preeminence  ;  but, 
believe  me,  my  dear  friend,  none  could  supplant,  or  ever  will 
eradicate  that  gratitude  which  has  arisen  from  a  lively  sense  of 
the  conduct  of  your  nation,  and  from  my  obligations  to  many  of 
its  illustrious  characters  (of  whom,  I  do  not  mean  to  flatter, 
when  I  place  you  at  the  head),  and  from  my  admiration  of  the 
virtues  of  your  august  sovereign,  who,  at  the  same  time  that  he 
stands  confessed  the  father  of  his  osvn  people,  and  defender  of 
American  rights,  has  given  the  most  exalted  example  of  modera- 
tion in  treating  with  his  enemies. 

We  are  now  an  independent  people,  and  have  yet  to  learn 
political  tactics.  We  are  placed  among  the  nations  of  the  earth, 
and  have  a  character  to  establish;  but  how  we  shall  acquit  our- 
selves, time  must  discover.     The  probability  is,  (at  least  I  fear 


'  '■^memmem^smisit^ 


II 


1 


t  lliese  were 
liiive  never 

How  a  con- 
m-rica,  the 
an  decide. 

of  common 

irn  we  took 
ri'd  if  I  liad 
nj;  tiiat  you 
;re,  I  thank 
her  sense  of 
'hen  I  look 
ra^e  to  give 
Vou  must, 
ipanicd  with 
[-■curacies  in 
ship  of,  my 


/■//.  1783. 
\o  conceive, 
at  the  com- 
from  Cadiz, 
the  only  ac- 
mind,  upon 
sailed  by  a 
nence  ;  but, 
or  ever  will 
ely  sense  of 
>  to  many  of 
n  to  flatter, 
at  ion  of  the 
ime  that  he 
defender  of 
;  of  modera- 

(fet  to  learn 
}f  the  earth, 
I  acquit  our- 
least  I  fear 


it),  that  local  or  State  politics  will  interfere  too  much  with  the 
more  liberal  and  extensive  plan  of  j;"^'C''"""'"t.  which  wisdom 
and  f()resi;;lit,  freed  from  tlie  mist  of  prejudice,  would  dictate ; 
and  that  we  shall  be  guilty  of  many  blunders  in  treadin^j  this 
boundless  theatre,  before  we  shall  have  arrived  at  any  perfection 
in  this  art ;  in  a  word,  that  the  e.xperience,  which  is  put -hased 
at  the  price  of  difficulties  and  distress,  wiiI  alone  convince  us, 
that  the  honor,  power,  and  true  interest  of  this  country  must  be 
measured  by  a  Continent;.!  scale,  and  that  every  departure 
therefrom  weakens  the  Ifnion,  and  may  ullinuitely  break  the 
band  which  holds  us  to};etiier.  To  avert  these  evils,  to  form  a 
new  constitution,  that  will  };ive  consistency,  stability,  and  dig- 
nity to  the  Union,  and  sufficient  powers  to  the  great  council  of 
the  nation  for  general  ])urposes,  is  a  duty  incumbent  upon  every 
man  who  wishes  well  to  his  country,  and  will  meet  with  my  aid 
as  far  as  it  can  be  rendered  in  the  private  walks  of  life. 

The  armament,  which  was  preparing  at  C!adiz,  and  in  which 
you  were  to  have  acted  a  distinguished  part,  would  have  carried 
such  conviction  with  it  that  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that 
Great  Britain  should  have  been  impressed  with  the  force  of 
such  reasoning.  To  this  cause,  I  am  persuaded,  the  peace  is 
to  be  ascribed.  Your  going  to  Madrid  from  thence,  instead  of 
coming  immediately  to  this  country,  is  another  instance,  my 
dear  Marquis,  of  your  zeal  for  the  American  cause,  and  lays  a 
fresh  claim  to  the  gratitude  of  her  sons,  who  will  at  all  times 
receive  you  with  open  arms.  As  no  official  despatches  are  yet 
received,  either  at  Philadelphia  or  New  York,  concerning  the 
completion  of  the  treaty,  nor  any  measures  taken  for  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  army,  my  detention  with  it  is  quiie  uncertain. 
Where  I  may  be,  then,  at  the  lime  of  your  intended  visit,  is  too 
uncertain  even  for  conjecture  ;  but  nothing  can  be  more  true 
than  that  the  pleasure  with  which  I  shall  receive  you  will  be 
equal  to  your  wishes.  I  shall  be  better  able  to  determine  then, 
than  now,  on  the  practicability  of  accompanying  you  to  France, 
a  country  to  which  I' shall  ever  feel  a  warm  affection  ;  and,  if  I 
do  not  pay  it  that  tribute  of  respect,  which  is  to  be  derived 
from  a  visit,  if  may  be  ascribed  with  justice  to  any  other  cause, 
than  a  want  of  inclination,  or  the  pleasure  of  going  there  under 
the  auspices  of  your  friendship. 

I  have  already  observed  that  the  determination  of  Congress, 
if  they  have  come  to  any,  respecting  the  army,  is  yet  unknown 
to  me.  But,  as  you  wish  to  be  informed  of  every  thing  that 
concerns  it,  I  do,  for  your  satisfaction,  transmit  authentic  docu- 


t0m 


12 

merits  of  some  very  interesting  occurrences,  which  have  hap- 
pened within  the  last  six  months.  But  I  ought  first  to  premise, 
that,  from  accumulated  sufferings  and  liltle  or  no  prospect  of 
relief,  the  discontents  of  the  officers  last  fall  jjut  on  the  threat- 
ening appearance  of  a  total  resignation,  till  the  business  was 
diverted  into  the  channel,  which  produced  the  address  and  peti- 
tion to  Congress,  which  stand  first  on  the  file  herewith  enclosed. 
I  shall  make  no  comment  on  these  proceedings.  To  one  so 
well  acquainted  with  the  sufferings  of  the  American  army  as 
you  are,  it  is  unneci  jsary.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  observe,  that 
the  more  its  virtue  and  forbearance  are  tried,  the  more  resplen- 
dent it  appears.  My  hope  is,  that  the  military  exit  of  this  valu- 
able class  of  the  community  will  exhibit  such  a  proof  of  amor 
pattUc,  as  will  do  them  honor  in  the  page  of  history. 

These  papers,  with  my  last  letter,  which  was  intended  to 
go  by  Colonel  Gouvion,  containing  extensive  details  of  military 
plans,  will  convey  to  you  every  information.  If  you  should  get 
sleepy  and  tired  of  reading  them,  recollect,  for  my  exculpation, 
that  it  is  in  compliance  with  your  request  I  have  run  into  such 
prolixity.  I  made  a  proper  use  of  the  confidential  part  of  your 
letter  of  the  sth  of  February. 

The  scheme,  my  dear  Marquis,  which  you  propose  as  a 
precedent  to  encourage  the  emancipation  of  the  black  people  in 
this  country  from  that  state  of  bondage  in  which  they  are  held, 
is  a  striking  evidence  of  the  benevolence  of  your  heart.  I  shall 
be  happy  to  join  you  in  so  laudable  a  work;  but  will  defer  going 
into  a  detail  of  the  business,  till  I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you. 

Tilghman  is  on  the  point  of  matrimony  with  a  namesake 
and  cousin,  sister  to  Mrs.  Carroll  of  Baltimore.  It  only  remains 
for  me  now,  my  dear  Marquis,  to  make  a  tender  of  my  respect- 
ful compliments,  in  which  Mrs.  Washington  unites,  to  Madame 
de  Lafayette,  and  to  wish  you,  her,  and  your  liLtle  offspring,  all 
the  happiness  this  life  can  afford.  I  will  extend  my  compli- 
ments to  the  gentlemen  in  your  circle,  with  whom  I  have  the 
honor  of  an  acquaintance.  I  need  not  add  how  happy  I  shall 
be  to  see  you  in  America,  and  more  particularly  at  Mount  Ver- 
non, or  with  what  truth  and  warmth  of  affection  I  am,  &c. 


WASHINGTON  TO  LAFAYETTE. 

Mount  Vernon,  8  December,  17S4. 
My   Dear   Marquis:  —  The  peregrination  of  the  day  in 
which  I  parted  from  you  ended  at  Marlborough.     The  next  day, 
bad  as  it  was,  I  got  home  before  dinner. 


*«?*»*»  m0mmm^m^msm0^^&^mf 


iS^:- 


;h  have  hap- 
L  to  premise, 

prospect  of 
1  the  threat- 
jusiness  was 
ess  and  peti- 
ith  enclosed. 

To  one  so 
can  army  as 
observe,  that 
lore  resplen- 
of  this  valu- 
roof  of  amor 

intended  to 
s  of  military 
LI  should  get 

exculpation, 
Lin  into  such 
part  of  your 

iropose  as  a 
ick  people  in 
ley  are  held, 
iart.  I  shall 
1  defer  going 
if  seeing  you. 
a  namesake 
only  remains 
:  my  respect- 
,  to  Madame 
offspring,  all 

my  compli- 
1  I  have  the 
lappy  I  shall 

Mount  Ver- 
im,  &c. 


mber,  1784. 

I  the  day  in 
rhe  next  day, 


13 

"In  the  moment  of  our  separation,  upon  the  road  as  I 
travelled,  and  every  hour  since,  I  have  felt  all  that  love,  respect, 
and  attachment  for  you,  wuh  which  length  of  years,  close  con- 
nexion, and  your  merits  have  inspired  me.  I  often  asked 
myself,  as  our  carriages  separated,  whether  that  was  the  last 
sight  1  ever  should  have  of  you  ?  And  though  I  wished  to  say 
No,  my  fears  answered  Yes.'  I  called  to  mind  the  days  of  my 
youth,  and  found  they  had  long  since  fled  to  return  no  more; 
that  I  was  now  descending  the  hill  I  had  been  fifty-two  years 
climbing,  and  that,  though  I  was  blest  with  a  good  constitution, 
I  was  of  a  short-lived  family,  and  might  soon  expect  to  be 
entombed  in  the  mansion  of  my  fathers.  These  thoughts 
darkened  the  shades,  and  gave  a  gloom  to  the  picture,  and  con- 
sequently to  my  prospect  of  seeing  you  again.  But  I  will  not 
repine  .  I  have  had  my  day. 

"  Nothing  of  importance  has  occurred  since  I  parted  with 
you.  I  found  my  family  well,  and  am  now  immersed  in  com- 
pany;  notwithstanding  which,  I  have  in  haste  produced  a  few 
more  letters  to  give  you  the  trouble  of,  rather  inclining  to 
commit  them  to  your  care,  than  to  pass  them  through  many  and 
unknown  hands. 

"  It  is  unnecessary,  I  persuade  myself,  to  repeat  to  you,  my 
oear  Marquis,  the  sincerity  of  my  regards  and  friendship ;  nor 
have  I  words  which  could  express  my  affection  for  you,  were  I 
to  attempt  it.  My  fervent  prayers  are  offered  for  your  safe 
and  pleasant  passage,  happy  meeting  with  Madame  de  Lafayette 
and  family,  and  the  jompletion  of  every  wish  of  your  heart ;  in 
all  which  Mrs.  Washington  joins  me  ;  as  she  does  in  compli- 
ments to  Captain  Grandecheau,  and  the  Chevalier,  of  whom 
little  Washington  often  speaks.  With  every  sentiment,  which 
is  propitious  and  endearing,  I  am,  &c." 


WASHINGTON  TO  LAFAYETTE. 

"  Philadelphia,  is  Au^ist,  1787. 
"  Mv  Dear  Marquis  :  —  Although  the  business  of  the 
federal  convention  is  not  yet  closed,  nor  I,  thereby,  enabled  to 
give  you  an  account  of  its  proceedings,  yet  the  opportunity 
afforded  by  Commodore  Paul  Jones's  retu  n  to  France  is  too 
favorable  for  me  to  omit  informing  you,  that  the  present  ex- 
pectation of  the  members  is,  that  it  will  end  about  the  first  of 
next  month,  when,  or  as  soon  after  as  it  shall  be  in  my  power, 
I  will  communicate  the  result  of  our  long  deliberation  to  you. 


,A...>.. 


,«9iM«Msa"»»< 


i^iis'«»eA«*t«i^iavi»*i^'^^.so^''*^-'-'-"«' 


■Mi 


u 

"Newspaper  accounts  inform  us,  that  the  session  of  the 
Assembly  of  Notables  is  ended ;  and  you  have  had  the  goodness, 
in  your  letter  of  the  5th  of  May,  to  communicate  some  of  the 
proceedings  to  me ;  among  which  is  that  of  the  interesting 
motion  made  by  yourself,  respecting  the  expenditure  of  public 
money  by  Monsieur  de  Calonne,  and  the  consequence  thereof. 
"The  patriotism,  by  which  this  motion  was  dictated,  throws 
a  lustre  on  the  action,  which  cannot  fail  to  dignify  the  author; 
and  I  sincerely  hope  with  you,  that  much  good  will  result  from 
the  deliberations  of  so  respectable  a  council.  I  am  not  less 
ardent  in  my  wish,  that  you  may  succeed  in  your  plan  of  tolera- 
tion in  religious  matters.  Being  no  bigot  myself  to  any  mode  of 
worship,  I  am  disposed  to  indulge  the  professors  of  Christianity 
in  the  church  with  that  road  to  Heaven,  which  to  them  shall 
seen,  the  most  direct,  plainest,  easiest,  and  least  liable  to 
exception. 

"  The  politicians  of  this  country  hardly  know  what  to  make 
of  the  present  situation  of  European  affairs.  If  serious  conse- 
quences do  not  follow  the  blood,  which  has  been  shed  in  the 
United  Netherlands,  these  people  will  certainly  have  acted 
differently  from  the  rest  of  mankind;  and,  in  another  quarter, 
one  would  think  there  could  hardly  be  so  much  smoke  without 
some  fire  between  the  Russians  and  Turks.  Should  these  dis- 
putes kindle  the  flame  of  war,  it  is  not  easy  to  prescribe  bounds 
to  its  extension  or  effect.  The  disturbances  in  Massachusetts 
have  subsided,  but  there  are  seeds  of  discontent  in  every  part  of 
this  Union  ;  ready  to  produce  other  disorders,  if  the  wisdom  of 
the  present  convention  should  not  be  able  to  devise,  and  the 
good  sense  of  the  people  be  found  ready  to  adopt,  a  more 
vio-orous  and  energetic  government,  than  the  one  under  which 
we  now  live  ;  for  the  present,  from  experience,  has  been  found  too 
feeble  and  inadequate  to  give  that  security,  which  our  liberties 
and  property  render  absolutely  essential,  and  which  the  fulfil- 
ment of  public  faith  loudly  requires. 

"Vain  is  it  to  look  for  respect  from  abroad,  or  tranquillity  at 
home  ;  vain  is  it  to  murmur  at  the  detention  of  our  western 
posts,  or  complain  of  the  restriction  of  our  commerce  :  vain  are 
all  the  attempts  to  remf  ly  the  evils  comjDlained  of  by  Dr.  Dumas, 
to  discharge  the  interest  due  on  foreign  loans,  or  satisfy  the 
claiii  s  of  foreign  officers,  the  neglect  of  doing  which  is  a  high 
impeachment  of  our  national  character,  and  is  hurtful  to  the 
feelings  of  every  well-wisher  to  this  country  in  and  out  of  it ; 
vain  is  it  to  talk  of  chastising  the  Algerines,  or  doing  ourselves 


^'^rnvsmmmsmmmm! .  >  - 


jssion  of  the 
the  gnodness, 
some  of  the 
e  interesting 
lire  of  public 
ence  thereof. 
;tated,  throws 
f  the  author ; 
1  result  from 
am  not  less 
Ian  of  tolera- 
I  any  mode  of 
f  Christianity 
to  them  shall 
ast    liable    to 

what  to  make 
erious  conse- 
1  shed  in  the 
f  have  acted 
3ther  quarter, 
moUe  without 
uld  these  dis- 
5cribe  bounds 
Massachusetts 
1  every  part  of 
he  wisdom  of 
vise,  and  the 
dopt,  a  more 
I  under  which 
leen  found  too 
1  our  liberties 
lich  the  fulfil- 

r  tranquillity  at 
:  our  western 
;rce :  vain  are 
by  Dr.  Dumas, 
or  satisfy  the 
bich  is  a  high 
hurtful  to  the 
and  out  of  it ; 
oing  ourselves 


IS 

justice  in  any  other  respect,  till  tne  wisdom  and  force  of  the 
Union  can  be  more  concentrated  and  better  applied.  With 
sentiments  of  the  highest  respect,  and  most  perfect  regard  for 
Madame  de  Lafayette  and  your  family,  and  with^the  most  affec- 
tionate attachment  to  you,  I  am  ever  yours,  &c." 


EXTRACT   FROM    LETTER   OF   LAFAYETTE   TO 
WASHINGTON. 

"Paris,  Marr.k  nih,  lyqo. 

"  Our  revolution  is  getting  on  as  well  as  it  can  with  a  nation 
that  has  attained  its  liberty  at  once,  and  is  still  liable  to  mistake 
licentiousness  for  freedom.  The  Assembly  have  more  hatred 
to  the  ancient  system,  tnan  experience  in  the  proper  organiza- 
tion of  a  new  and  constitutional  government.  The  ministe- 
are  lamenting  their  loss  of  power,  and  afraid  to  use  that,  whuu 
they  have ;  and,  as  everv  thing  has  been  destroyed,  and  not 
much  of  tlie  new  building  is  yet  above  ground,  there  is  room  for 
criticisms  and  calumnies.  To  this  it  may  be  added,  that  we  still 
are  pestered  by  two  parties,  the  aristocratic,  that  is  panting  for 
a  counter  revolutior,,  and  the  factious,  which  aims  at  the  division 
of  the  empire  and  destruction  of  all  authority,  and  perhaps  of 
the  lives  of  the  reigning  b.anch  both  of  which  parties  are 
fomenting  troubles.  ,  . 

■  "After  I  have  confessed  all  tus,  I  will  tell  you  with  the 
same  candor  that  we  have  made  an  admirable  and  almost 
incredible  destruction  of  all  abuses  and  prejudices;  that  every 
thinc^  not  directly  useful  to,  or  coming  from,  the  people  has  been 
levelled  ;  that,  in  the  topographical,  moral,  and  political  situntion 
of  France,  we  have  made  more  changes  in  ten  months,  than  the 
most  saguine  patriots  could  have  imagined ;  that  our  internal 
troubles  and  anarchy  are  much  exaggerated  ;  and  that,  upon  the 
whole,  this  revolution,  in  which  nothing  will  be  wanting  but 
ener"-y  of  o-overnment  as  it  was  in  America,  will  implant  liberty 
and  make  it  flourish  throughout  the  world ;  while  we  must  wait 
fo'  a  convention  in  a  few  years  to  mend  some  defects,  which  ire 
not  now  perceived  by  men  just  escaped  from  aristocracy  and 

^^^"  Give  me  leave,  my  dear  General,  to  present  you  with  a 
picture  of  the  Bastille,  just  as  it  looked  a  few  days  after  I  had 
ordered  its  demolition,' with   the  main  key*  of   the  fortress  ot 

*  The  key  of  the  Bastille,  and  the  drawing  here  mentioned,  are  still  pre- 
served in  the  mansion-house  at  Mount  Vernon. 


B^itifci*^iS>i*»»«*^''*^'**'*' 


..fliiliiilii 


l6 

despotism.  It  is  a  tribute,  which  1  owe  as  a  son  to  my  adopted 
father,  as  an  aid-de-camp  to  my  general,  as  a  missionary  o.  lib- 
erty to  its  patriach."  

EXTRACT   FROM   LETTER  OF   EAFAYETTE  TO 
WASHINGTON. 

•'Paris,  Juried,  ijgi. 

"  I  rejoice  and  glory  in  the  happy  situation  of  American 
affairs      I  bless  the  restoration  of  your  health,  and  wish  I  could 
congratulate  you  on  your  side  of  the  Ailanlic,  but  we  are  not  in 
that  state  of  tranquillity  which  may  admit  of  my  absence;  the 
refugees  hovering  about  the  frontiers,  intrigues  in  most  of  the 
despotic  and  aristocratic  cabinets,  our  regular  army  divided  into 
Torv  officers  and  undisciplined  soldiers,  licentiousness  among 
the  people  not  easily  repressed,  the  capital,  that  gives  the  tone 
to   the   empire,  tossed  about   by  anti-revolutionary  or  factious 
parties,  the  Assembly  fatigued  by  hard  labor,  and  very  unman- 
ageable.    However,  according  to  the  popular  motto.  La  ira,    it 
will  do  '     We  are  introducing  as  fast  as  we  can  religious  liberty. 
The  Assembly  has  put  an  end  to  its  existence  by  a  new  convo- 
cation :  has  imt^tted  its  own  members  for  immediate  reelection 
and  for  places  in  the  executive ;  and  is  now  reducing  the  consti- 
tution to  a  few  principal  articles,  leaving  the  legislative  assem- 
blies to  examine  and  mend  the  others,  and  preparing  every  tiling 
for  a  convention  as  soon  as  our  machine  shall  have  had  a  tair 
trial.     As  to  the  surrounding  govt ,  nments,  they  hate  our  revolu- 
tion, but  do  not  know  how  to  meddle  with  it,  so  afraid  are  they 
of  catching  the  phiguer 

LAFAYETTE  TO   WASHINGTON. 

"  Paris,  15  March,  ijgz. 

"  My  Dear  General  :  — I  have  been  called  from  the  army 
to  this  capital  for  a  conference  between  the  two  other  generals, 
the  ministers,  and  myself,  and  am  about  returning  to  my  military 
post  The  coalition  between  the  continental  powers  respect- 
in-  our  affairs  is  certain,  and  will  not  be  broken  by  the  Emper- 
or^s  death.  But,  although  warlike  preparations  are  going  on,  it 
is  very  doubtful  whether  our  neighbours  will  attempt  to  stiHe  so 
very  catching  a  thing  as  liberty.  •„.„.!,„ 

"  The  danger  for  us  lies  in  our  state  of  anarchy,  owiag  to  the 
ignorance  of  the  people,  the   number  of   non-proprietors,  the 


's;^^m^^^Mm 


my  adopted 
lonary  of  lib- 


\E    TO 

'M(  6,  ijgr. 

of  American 
wish  I  could 
■e  are  not  in 
absence;  the 
I  most  of  the 

Y  divided  into 
sness  among 
ves  the  tone 

V  or  factious 
very  unnian- 

o,  Ca  ira,  '  1 1 

igious  liberty. 

a  new  convo- 
ate  reelection 

ng  the  consti- 
slative  assem- 
ng  every  thing 
ve  had  a  fair 
ite  our  revolu- 
Fraid  are  they 


\farch,  lygs. 

[rom  the  army 
ther  generals, 
to  my  military 
)wers  respect- 
ly  the  Emper- 
:e  going  on,  it 
pt  to  stifle  so 

J,  owik'ig  to  the 
oprietors,  the 


,7  „:..'■:, 

jealousy  of  every  governing  measure,  all  which  inconveniences 
are  worked  up  by  designing  men,  or  aristocrats  in  disguise,  but 
both  extremely  tend  to  defeat  our  ideas  of  public  order.  Do 
not  believe,  however,  the  exaggerated  accounts  you  may  receive, 
particularly  from  England.  That  liberty  and  equality  will  be 
preserved  in  France,  there  is  no  doubt;  in  case  there  were,  you 
well  know  that  I  vould  noi,  if  they  fall,  survive  them.  But  you 
may  be  assured,  t.iat  we  shall  emerge  from  this  unpleasant 
situation,  either  by  an  honorable  defence,  or  by  internal 
improvements.  How  far  this  constitution  of  ours  insures  a  good 
government  has  not  been  as  yet  fairly  experienced.  This  only 
we  know,  that  it  has  restored  to  the  people  their  rights,  destroyed 
almost  every  abuse,  and  turned  French  vassalage  and  slavery 
into  national  dignity,  and  the  enjoyment  of  those  faculties,  which 
nature  has  given  and  society  ought  to  insure, 

"  Give  me  leave  to  you  aione  to  offer  an  observation  respect- 
ing the  late  choice  of  the  American  ambassador.  You  know  I 
am  personally  a  friend  to  Gouverneur  Morris,  and  ever  as  a 
private  man  have  been  satisfied  with  him.  But  the  aristocratic, 
and  indeed  counter-revolutionary  principles  he  has  professed, 
unfitted  him  to  be  the  representative  of  the  only  nation,  whose 
politics  have  a  likeness  to  ours,  since  they  are  founded  on  the 
plan  of  a  reprerentative  democracy.  This  I  may  add,  that, 
surrounded  with  enemies  as  France  is,  it  looks  as  if  America 
was  preparing  for  a  change  in  this  government ;  not  only  that 
kind  of  a'^Tation,  which  the  democrats  may  wish  for  and  bring 
ab*"  '.  -jc  the  wild  attempts  of  aristocracy,  such  as  the  restora- 
tion 01  a  noblesse,  a  House  of  Lords,  and  such  other  political 
blemishes,  which,  while  we  live,  cannot  be  reestablished  in 
France.  I  wish  we  had  an  elective  Senate,  a  more  independent 
set  of  judges,  and  a  more  energetic  administration  ;  but  the 
people  must  be  taught  the  advantages  of  a  firni  government 
before  they  reconcile  it  to  their  ideas  of  freedom,  and  can  dis- 
tinguish it  from  the  arbitrary  systems,  which  they  have  just  got 
over.  You  see,  my  dear  General,  I  am  not  an  enthusiast  for 
every  part  of  our  constitution,  although  I  love  its  principles, 
which  are  the  same  as  those  of  the  United  States,  except  the 
hereditary  character  of  the  president  of  the  executive,  which  I 
think  suitable  to  our  circumstances.  But  I  hate  every  thing 
like  despotism  and  aristocracy,  and  I  cannot  help  wishing  the 
American  and  French  principles  were  in  the  heart  and  on  the 
lips  of  the  American  ambassador  in  France.  This  I  mention  to 
you  alone.     _,        ,       , 


,>SW*****»"' 


.  A'JMUi  H*W  W  •Mt'ci 


^.^^ttfSti'k^^i^.litSid^tK^^'if^'^/, 


|8 

"There  have  been  changes  in  the  ministry.  The  King  has 
chosen  his  council  from  the  most  violent  popular  pa.ty  in  the 
Jacobin  club,  a  Jesuitic  institution,  more  fit  to  make  deserters 
from  our  cause  than  converts  to  it.  The  new  ministers,  how- 
ever, being  unsuspected,  have  a  chance  to  restore  public  order, 
and  say  they  will  improve  it.  The  Assembly  are  wild,  unin- 
formed, and  too  fond  of  popular  applause ;  the  King,  slow  and 
rather  backward  in  his  daily  conduct,  although  now  and  then  he 
acts  full  well ;  but  upon  the  whole  it  will  do,  and  the  success  of 
our  revolution  cannot  be  questioned. 

"  My  command  extends  on  the  frontiers  from  Givet  to  Bitche. 
I  have  sixty  thousand  men,  a  number  that  is  increasing  now,  as 
young  men  pour  in  from  every  part  of  the  empire  to  fill  up  the 
regiments.  This  voluntary  recruiting  shows  a  most  patriotic 
spirit.  I  am  going  to  encamp  thirty  thousand  men,  with  a 
detached  corps,  in  an  intrenched  can  p.  The  remainder  will 
occupy  the  fortified  places.  The  armiei  of  Mar^chals  Luckner 
and  Rochambeau  are  inferior  to  n-.ine,  because  we  have  sent 
many  regiments  to  the  southward  ;  but,  in  case  we  have  a  war  to 
undertake,  we  may  gather  respectable  forces. 

"  Our  emigrants  are  beginning  to  come  in.  Their  situation 
abroad  is  miserable,  and,  in  case  even  we  quarrel  with  our 
neighbours,  they  will  be  out  of  the  question.  Our  paper  money 
has  been  of  late  rising  very  fast.  Manufactures  of  every  kind 
are  much  employed.  The  farmer  finds  his  cares  alleviated,  and 
will  feel  the  m  re  happy  under  our  constitution,  as  the  Assembly 
are  going  to  give  up  their  patronage  of  one  set  of  priests.  You 
see,  that,  although  we  have  many  causes  tc  be  as  yet  unsatisfied, 
we  may  hope  every  thing  will  by  and  by  come  right.  Licentious- 
ness, under  the  mask  of  patriotism,  is  our  greatesi  evil,  as  it 
threatens  property,  tranquillity,  and  liberty  itself.  Adieu,  my 
dear  General.  My  best  respects  wait  on  Mrs.  Washington. 
Remember  me  most  affectionately  to  our  friends,  and  think 
sometimes  of  your  respectful,  loving,  and  filial  friend, 

Lafayette." 


l^fayette  was  but  eighteen  years  old  in  1776,  when  he  conceived  the 
idea  of  coming  to  America  to  espouse  the  cause  of  the  Cjlonies  against 
(heat  Britain.  The  account  of  the  dinner  at  Metz,  where  his  interest  and 
symiiathy  were  first  aroused  by  the  conversation  of  the  French  and  English 
officers,  is  familiar  to  all  readers  of  the  life  of  Lafayette  ;  and  all  will  remem- 
ber his  intei  \  ;cw  with  Silas  Deane  in  Paris  and  the  many  obstacles  which  he 
encountered  previous  to  his  secret  sailing  from  Passage,  in  the  spring  of 
1777.  with   Baron    de    Kalb   and   others,  in  the   ship    provided  at  his  own 


n 


■K^ 


The  King  has 
ir  party  in  the 
np.ke  deserters 
ninisters,  how- 
;  public  order, 
are  wild,  unin- 
tCing,  slow  and 
)w  and  then  he 

the  success  of 

jivet  to  Bitche. 

easing  now,  as 

to  fill  up  the 

most  patriotic 

d  men,  with  a 

remainder  will 

chals  Luckner 

we  have  sent 

e  have  a  war  to 

Their  situation 
irrel  with  our 
r  paper  money 

of  every  kind 
alleviated,  and 
s  the  Assembly 

priests.  You 
yet  unsatisfied, 
t.  Licentious- 
tesi  evil,  as  it 
If.  Adieu,  my 
5.  Washington, 
ids,  and  think 
end, 

FAYETTE." 


he  conceived  the 
Colonies  against 
!  his  interest  and 
fnch  and  English 
nd  all  will  remem- 
bistacles  which  he 
in  the  spring  of 
vided  at  his  own 


19 

expense.  He  landed  near  Ceorgetown  in  South  Carolina  and  was  conveyed 
directly  to  Charleston.  His  interesting  letter  to  his  wife,  written  from 
Charleston,  19  June,  1777,  giving  his  first  impressions  of  America,  should  be 
read;  it  may  be  found  in  Sparks's  edition  of  Washington's  Writings,  v,  451. 
The  party  immediately  proceeded  from  Charleston  to  Philadelphia,  and  it 
was  here  that  Lafayette  first  met  Washington,  who  was  warmly  drawn  to  the 
gallant  young  man  from  the  first  and  soon  became  his  devoted  friend.  The 
story  of  that  friendship,  a  friendship  enduring,  as  warm  on  the  one  s'de  as 
on  the  other,  until  Washington's  death,  is  a  part  of  history.  The  letters, 
here  given  are  not  only  expressions  of  that  friendship  but  interesting  chapters 
out  of  the  great  history  which  Washington  and  Lafayette  helped  to  make  in 
An\erica  and  in  France.  Although  the  pre.sent  leaflet  is  swelled  to  un- 
usual dimensions,  the  student  must  remember  that  these  letters  are  but  a 
verv  few  out  of  very  many  that  passed  between  the  two  great  men,  all  of 
which  are  worthy  ot  careful  attention. 

The  first  letters  belong  to  the  trying  time  of  Conway's  Cabal  and  show 
the  complete  confidence  which  Washington  and  Lafayette  reposed  in  each 
other.  It  was  a  few  months  after  the  date  of  these  letters  that  Lafayette 
wrote  to  Baron  Steuben  : 

"Permit  me  to  express  my  satisfaction  at  your  having  seen  General 
Washington.  No  enemies  to  that  great  man  can  be  found,  except  among 
the  enemies  to  his  country;  nor  is  it  possible  for  any  man  of  a  noble  spirit 
to  refrain  from  loving  the  excellent  cpialities  of  his  heart.  I  think  I  know 
him  as  well  as  any  person,  and  such  is  the  idea  which  I  have  formed  of  him. 
His  honesty,  his  frankness,  his  sensibility,  his  virtue,  to  the  full  extent  in 
which  this  word  can  be  understood,  are  above  all  praise.  It  is  not  for  me  to 
judge  of  his  military  talents;  but  according  to  my  imperfect  knowledge  of 
these  matters,  his  advice  in  council  has  always  appeared  to  me  the  best, 
although  his  modesty  prevents  him  sometimes  from  sustaining  it ;  and  his 
predictions  have  ger.frally  b=!en  fulfilled.  I  am  the  more  happy  in  giving 
you  this  opinion  of  my  friend,  with  all  the  sincerity  which  I  feel,  because 
some  persons  may  perhaps  attempt  to  deceive  you  on  this  point." 

In  a  letter  to  Lafayette,  25  Septeir/ber,  1778,  on  the  eve  of  his  first 
return  to  France,  Washington  writes  : 

"  The  sentiments  of  affection  and  attachment,  which  breathe  so  conspicu- 
ously in  a^il  your  letters  to  me,  are  at  once  pleasing  and  honorable,  and 
aflo.-d  me  abund.int  cause  to  rejoice  at  the  happiness  of  my  acquaintance 
with  you.  Your  love  of  liberty,  the  just  sense  you  entertain  of  this  valuable 
blessing,  and  your  noble  and  disinterested  exertions  in  the  cause  of  it,  added 
to  the  innate  goodness  of  your  heart,  conspire  to  render  you  dear  to  me ;  and 
I  think  myself  happy  in  being  linked  with  you  in  bonds  of  the  strictest  friend- 
ship. The  ardent  zeal  which  you  have  displayed  during  the  \yhole  coiirse 
of  the  campaign  to  the  eastward,  and  your  endeavours  to  cherish  harmony 
among  the  officers  of  the  allied  jjowers,  and  to  dispel  those  unfavorable  im- 
pressions which  had  begun  to  take  place  in  the  minds  of  the  unthinking, 
from  misfortunes  which  the  utmost  stretch  of  human  foresight  could  not 
avert,  deserves,  and  now  receives,  ray  particular  and  warmest  thanks." 

To  Fr.nklin,  then  in  Paris,  Washington  immediately  afterwards  wrote 
of  Lafayette  as  ftOlows  : 

"  The  gonerous  motives  which  first  induced  him  to  cross  the  .Atlantic ; 
the  tribute  which  he  paid  to  gallantry  at  the  Brandywine  ;  his  success  in 
Jersey  before  he  had  recovered  from  hi^  wounds,  in  an  affair  where  he  com- 


k«1 


7^ 


iMHi 


20 

manded  militia  apainsf  Hritisli  grenadiers  ;  tlie  biilliant  retreat,  Iiy  wIulH  he 
eluded  a  coraljinfd  manoeuvre  of  the  whole  Urilish  force  in  the  last  cam- 
paign ;  his  services  in  the  enterprise  against  Khode  Island —  are  such  proofs 
of  his  zeal,  military  ardor,  and  talents,  as  have  endeared  liim  t"  America, 
and  must  greatly  recommend  him  to  his  I'rince.  Coming  wi  so  many 
titles  to  claim  your  esteem,  it  were  needles--  for  any  other  purp..jt,  than  to 
indulge  my  own  feelings,  to  add,  that  I  have  a  very  particulnr  friendship  for 
him;  and'that  whatever  services  you  may  have  it  in  your  power  to  render 
him  will  confer  an  obligation  on  me." 

The  letter  from  Lafayette  in  France,  i2  June,  1779,  here  given,  and 
Washington's  replv,  30  Sept.,  1779,  afford  pleasant  glimpses  into  the 
domestic  lives  of  the  two  men,  as  well  as  valuable  comments  upon  the 
political  situation.  Lafavette  came  back  to  America  and  rendered  valuable 
service  d  nvn  to  the  practical  termination  of  the  war  b\  ihe  capture  of  Corn- 
wallis  in  17S1.  Returning  to  France,  Washington's  I  iter  of  5  April,  1783, 
shows  that  it  was  from  him  that  Washington  first  had  the  news  of  the  treaty 
of  peace.  This  letter  is  also  interesting  as  revealing  a  scheme  of  l^fayette's 
for  the  emancipation  of  the  negroes  in  America.  In  1784  Lafayette  came  to 
America  agam,  visiting  Washington  at  Ml.  V'ernon.  The  fond  and  sad  letter 
from  Washington,  8  December,  1784,  here  given,  was  written  just  as 
Lafayette  was  returning  to  France.  Washington's  foreboding  that  he 
should  never  again  see  Lafayette  proved  true, 

Washington's  letter  of  August  15,  1787,  belongs  to  the  time  of  the 
Constitutional  Convention.  The  letters  of  April  28,  17S8  (Washington's 
Writings,  ix,  354),  and  June  18,  1788  (do.,  ix,  379),  which  followed,  should 
be  read  for  their  valuable  political  passages.  Lafayette's  letter  of  March  17, 
1790,  here  given,  shows  him  in  the  midst  of  the  exciting  events  of  the  French 
Revolution.  Washington's  answer  to  this  may  be  found  in  Sparks's  edition 
of  his  Writings,  x,  105.  Washington's  last  letter  to  Lafayette  before  the 
latter's  imprisonment  was  dated  Sept.  10,  1791.     It  concludes  as  follows  : 

"  I  sincerely  wish  that  the  affairs  of  your  country  were  in  such  a  train 
as  would  permit  you  to  relax  a  little  from  the  excessive  fatigues  to  which 
you  have  of  late  been  exposed  ;  and  I  cannot  help  looking  forward  with  an 
anxious  wish,  and  a  lively  hope,  to  the  time  when  peace  and  tranquillity  will 
reign  in  your  borders,  under  the  sanction  of  a  respectable  government, 
founded  on  the  broad  basis  of  liberality  and  the  rights  of  man.  It  must  be 
so.  The  great  Ruler  of  events  will  not  ))ermit  tiu-  happiness  of  so  many 
millions  to  be  destroyed ;  and  to  his  keepi.ig  I  resign  you,  my  dear  Sir,  with 
all  that  friendship  and  affectionate  attachment,  with  vhich  you  know  me  to 
be,  &c." 

Lafayette's  last  letter  to  Washington  before  his  imprisonment  was  dated 
Paris,  15'March,  1792,  and  is  includod  in  the  present  leaflet.  It  is  of  the 
highest  value  for  its  observations  upon  the  course  of  the  French  Revolution, 
at  that  time,  when  events  were  rapidly  hastening  en  toward  the  Reign  of 
Terror.  Washington's  efforts  for  Lafayette's  reease  appear  from  the 
correspondence  in  Sparks,  vol.  x ;  and  his  last  letters  to  Lafayette  are  given 
in  vol.  xi. 


tat,  liy  which  he 
ill  the  last  cam- 
arc  such  proofs 
him  I"  \merlca, 
g  wi  so  many 
purp-.^i,  than  to 
r>r  friendship  for 
power  to  render 

here  given,  and 
Impses  into  the 
imeiits  upon  the 
endered  valuable 
capture  of  Corn- 
of  5  April,  1783, 
ews  of  the  treaty 
me  of  l-afayette's 
,afayette  came  to 
und  and  sad  letter 

written  just  as 
boding    that    he 

the  time  of  the 
18  (Washington's 

followed,  should 
itterof  March  17, 
;nts  of  the  French 
1  Sparks's  edition 
ayette  before  the 
les  as  follows : 
;re  in  such  a  train 
Fatigues  to  which 

forward  with  an 
id  tranquillity  will 
ible  government, 
man.  It  must  be 
iness  of  so  manv 
my  dear  Sir,  witfi 

you  know  me  to 

inment  was  dated 
flet.  It  is  of  the 
"rench  Revolution, 
ard  the  Reign  of 
appear  from  the 
afayctte  are  given 


SEVKNTH   SERIES.  iSXij.  No.  7. 


The  Declaration 


of 


Independence. 


I 


Jh  Congress,  July  4,  lT}b. 

The  unanimous  Declaration  of  the  thirteen   united  States  or 

America. 

When  in  tht.  oiirse  of  human  ;ents,  it  becomes  neces- 
sary for  one  peof  to  dissolve  tiie  political  bands  which  have 
connected  them  '/Uh  another,  and  to  assume  among  the  Powers 
of  the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to  which  the  Laws 
of  Nature  and  ot  Nature's  God  entitle  them,  a  decent  respect 
to  the  opinions  of  mankind  requires  that  they  should  declare 
the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the  separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are 
created  equal,  that  they  rre  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  unalienable  Rights,  that  among  these  are  Life,  Liberty 
and  the  pursuit  of  Happiness.  That  to  secure  these  rights, 
Governments  are  instituted  among  Men,  deriving  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,  That  whenever  any 
Form  of  Government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is 
the  Right  of  the  People  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute 
new  Government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such  principles  and 
organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  theni  shall  seem  most 
likely  to  effect  their  Safety  and  Happiness.  Prudence,  indeed, 
will  dictate  that  Governments  long  established  should  not  be 
changed  for  light  and  transient  causes;  and  accordingly  all  ex- 
perience hath  shown,  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer, 
while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  themselves  by  abolishing 
the  forms  to  which  they  are  accustomed.  But  when  a  long 
train  of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pursuing  invariably  the  same 
Object  evinces  a  design  to  reduce  them  under  absolute  Despot- 
Ism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty,  to  throw  off  such  Govern- 
Jient,  and  to  provide  new  Guards  for  their  future  security. — 
Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these  Colonies ;  and 
such  is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains  them  to  alter  their 


former  Systems  of  Government,  The  history  of  the  present 
King  of  Great  Britain  is  a  history  of  repeated  injuries  and 
usurpations,  all  having  in  direct  object  the  establishment  of  an 
absolute  'I'yranny  over  these  States.  To  prove  this,  let  Facts 
be  submitted  to  a  candid  world. 

He  has  refused  his  Assent  to  Laws,  the  most  wholesome 
and  necessary  for  the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  Governors  to  pass  Laws  of  immediate 
and  pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their  operation 
till  his  Assent  should  be  obtained ;  and  when  so  susijended,  he 
has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  Laws  for  the  accommodation 
of  large  districts  of  people,  unless  those  people  would  relinquish 
the  right  of  Representation  in  the  Legislature,  a  right  inestima- 
ble to  them  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual, 
uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  the  depository  of  their  Public 
Records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them  into  compliance 
with  his  measures. 

He  has  dissolved  Representative  Houses  repeatedly,  for 
opposing  with  manly  firmness  his  invasions  on  the  rights  of  the 
people. 

He  has  refused  for  a  long  time,  after  such  dissolutions,  to 
cause  others  to  be  elected ;  whereby  the  Legislative  Powers,  in- 
capable of  Annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  People  at  large 
for  their  exercise  ;  the  State  remaining  in  the  mean  time  ex- 
posed to  all  the  dangers  of  invasion  from  without,  and  convul- 
sions within. 

He  has  endeavoured  to  prevent  the  population  of  these 
States ;  for  that  purpose  obstnicting  the  Laws  for  Naturalization 
of  Foreigners  ;  refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage  their  migra- 
tion hither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of  new  Appropriations  of 

Lands.  .   .         .         ,  ^      •       t 

He  has  obstructed  the  Aamnustration  of  Justice,  by  refus- 
ing his  Assent  to  Laws  for  establishing  Judiciary  Powers. 

He  has  made  Judges  dependent  on  his  Will  alone,  for  the 
tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the   amount  and  payment  of  their 

salaries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  New  Offices,  and  sent  hither 
swarms  of  Officers  to  harrass  our  People,  and  eat  out  their  sub- 

stciricc 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace.  Standing  Armies 
without  the  Consent  of  our  legislature. 

'  He  has  affected  to  render  the  Military  indeperdent  of  and 
superior  to  the  Civil  Power. 


i 


(fie  present 

i'ljurios  iind 

iliiiK'iit  of  an 

lis,  let  Facts 

St  wliolesoine 

of  immediate 
eir  operation 
iisix;iided,  he 

commodalion 
lid  relinquish 
gilt  inestima- 

aces  uniisiial, 

their  Public 

:o  compliance 

iljeatedly,  for 
rights  of  the 

issolulions,  to 
ve  Powers,  in- 
sople  at  large 
lean  time  ex- 
:,  and  convul- 

tion  of  these 
Sfaturalization 
;e  theirmigra- 
ropriations  of 

tice,  by  refus- 
Powers. 
alone,  for  the 
ment  of  their 

nd  sent  hither 
out  their  sub- 

nding  Armies 

3r  dent  of  and 


J 


He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction 
foreign  to  our  ronstitution,  and  unacknowledged  i)y  our  laws; 
giving  his  Assent  to  their  Acts  of  pretended  Legislation  : 

For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us  : 

For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  Trial,  from  Punishment 
for  any  Ilurders  which  they  should  commit  on  the  Inhabitants 
of  these  States  : 

For  cutting  off  our  Trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world : 

For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  Consent : 

For  depriving  us  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  Trial  by 
Jury : 

For  transporting  us  beyond  Seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended 
offences : 

For  abolishing  the  free  System  of  English  Laws  in  a  neigh- 
bouring Province,  establishing  therein  an  Arbitrary  government, 
and  enlarging  its  Boundaries  so  as  to  render  it  at  once  an  ex- 
ample and  fit  instrument  for  introducing  the  same  absolute  rule 
into  these  Colonies : 

For  taking  away  our  Charters,  abolishing  our  most  valuable 
Laws,  and  altering  fundamentally  the  Forms  of  our  Govern- 
ments : 

For  suspending  our  own  Legislatures,  and  declaring  them- 
selves invested  with  Power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  what- 
soever. 

He  has  abdicated  Government  here,  by  declaring  us  out  of 
his  Protection  and  waging  War  against  us. 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  Coasts,  burnt  our 
towns,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign 
mercenaries  to  compleat  the  works  of  death,  desolation  and 
tyranny,  already  begun  with  circumstances  of  Cruelty  &  perfidy 
scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages,  and  totally  un- 
worthy the  Head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow  Citizens  taken  Captive  on 
the  high  Seas  to  bear  Arms  against  their  Country,  to  become 
the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  Brethren,  or  to  fall  them- 
selves by  their  Hands. 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and  has 
endeavoured  to  bring  .n  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers,  the 
merciless  Indian  Savages,  whose  known  rule  of  warfare,  is  an 
undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes  and  conditions. 

In  every  stage  of  these  Oppressions  We  have  Petitioned 
for  Redress  in  the  most  humble  terms :  Our  repeated  Petitions 
have  been  answered  only  by  repeated  injury.     A  Prince,  whose 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


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character   is  thus  marked   by  every  act  which  may  define   a 
Tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  People 

Nor  have  We  been  wanting  in  attention  to  our  Brittish 
brethren.  We  have  warned  them  from  time  to  time  of  attempts 
by  their  legislature  to  extend  an  unwarrantable  jurisdiction 
over  us.  We  have  reminded  them  of  the  circumstances  of  our 
emigration  and  settlement  here.  We  have  appealed  to  their 
native  justice  and  magnanimity,  and  we  iiave  conjured  them  by 
the  ties  of  our  common  kindred  to  disavow  these  usurpations, 
which,  would  inevitably  interrupt  our  connections  and  corre- 
spondence. They  too  have  been  deaf  to  the  voice  of  justice  and 
of  consanguinity.  We  must,  tlierefore,  acquiesce  in  the  neces- 
sity, which  denounces  our  Separation,  and  hold  them,  as  we 
hold  the  rest  of  mankind.  Enemies  in  War,  in  Peace  Friends. 

We,  therefore,  tho  Representatives  of  the  united  States  of 
America,  in  General  Congress,  Assembled,  appealing  to  the 
Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions, 
do,  in  the  Name,  and  by  Authority  of  the  good  People  of  these 
Colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare,  That  these  United 
Colonic-s  are,  and  of  Right  ought  to  be  Free  and  huiependent 
States;  that  they  are  Absolved  from  all  Allegiance  to  the 
British  ''Jrown,  and  that  all  political  connection  between  them 
and  the  State  of  Great  Britain,  is  and  ought  to  be  totally  dis- 
solved ;  and  that  as  Free  and  .independent  States,  they  have 
full  Power  to  levy  War,  conclude  Peace,  contract  Alliances,  es- 
tablish Commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  Acts  and  Things  which 
Independent  States  may  of  right  do.  And  for  the  support  of 
this  Declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  Protection  of 
Divine  Providence,  we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  Lives, 
our  Foitunes  and  our  sacred  Honor. 

JOHN    HANCOCK. 

iVrtf  Hampshire — Josiah  Bartlett,  Wm.  Whipple,  Mat- 
thew Thornton. 

Massachusetts  Bay  — Saml.  Adams,  John  Adams,  Robt. 
Treat  Paink,  Elbridge  Gerry. 

Jihot/e  Ishmd —  Step.  Hopkins,  William  Ellerv. 

Connecticut—  Roger  Sherman,  Sam'el  Huntington,  Wm. 
Williams,  Oliver  Wolcoit. 

Nc2o  York  —  Wm.  Floyd,  Phil.  Livingston,  Frans.  Lewis, 
Lewis  Morris. 

Nero  Jersey  —  Richd.  Stockton,  Jno.  Witherspoon, 
Fras.  Hopkinson,  John  Hart,  Abra.  Clark. 

Pennsylvania  —  Robt.  Morris,   Benjamin    Rush,  Benja. 


.c=SKtf*6s*«aSI«!ga#iSSi3ie!SS*S6, 


may  define   a 

o  our  Brittish 

lie  of  attempts 

e    jurisdiction 

istances  of  our 

ealed  to  their 

jured  them  by 

se  usurpations, 

ons  and  corre- 

e  of  justice  and 

;e  in  the  ncces- 

d  them,  as  we 

jace  Friends. 

mitcd  States  of 

ipealing  to   the 

our  intentions. 

People  of  these 

:   these    United 

id  Inciependent 

egiance    to    the 

1  between  them 

0  be  totally  dis- 

Itates,  they  have 

:t  Alliances,  es- 

d  Things  which 

r  the  support  of 

:    Protection    of 

other  our  Lives, 

ANCOCK. 
Whipple,  Mat- 
Adams,  RoBT. 
Ellery. 

fNTINGTON',  Wm. 

r,  Frans.  Lewis, 

WiTHERSPOON, 

Rush,  Benja. 


■.-•;i<V''-]^i-'-ii'ii-» 


Franklin,  John  Morton,  Geo.  Clymer,  Jas.  Smith,  Geo. 
Taylor,  James  Wilson,  Geo.  Ross. 

.Ddawnre — Cvesar  Rodney,  Geo.  Read,  Tho.  M'Kean. 

Mary/and — Samuel  Chase,  Wm.  ?aca,  Thos.  Stone, 
Charles  Carroll  of  CarroUton. 

Virginia  —  George  Wythe,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Th 
Jefferson,  Benja.  Harrison,  Thos.  Nelson,  jr.,  Francis 
l.iGHTFooT  Lee,  Carter  Braxton. 

North  Carolina  —  Wm.  Hooper,  Joseph  Hewes,  John 
Fenn. 

South  C((rolina — Edward  Rutledge,  Thos.  Heyward, 
Junr.,  Thomas  Lynch,  Junr.,  Arthur  Middleton. 

Georgia — Button  Gwinnett,  Lyman  Hall,  Geo.  Walton. 


JEFFERSON'S  ORIGINAL  DRAUGHT  OF  THE 
DECLARATION. 

This  copy  of  Jefferson's  original  draught  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  now  in  the  State  Department  at  Washington, 
is  here  given,  for  comparison  with  the  document  as  finally 
passed.  The  parts  struck  out  by  Congress  are  inclosed  in 
brackets  and  printed  in  italics,  and  the  amendments  are  indi- 
cated at  the  bottom  of  the  page. 


A    declaration    by    the    representatives    of    the    united 

STATES    OF   AMERICA,    IN    GENERAL    CONGRESS    ASSEMBLED. 

When,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary 
for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have  con- 
nected them  with  another,  and  to  assume  among  the  powers  of 
the  earth  the  saparate  and  equal  station  to  which  the  laws  of 
nature  and  of  nature's  God  entitle  them,  a  decent  respect  to  the 
opinions  of  mankind  requires  that  they  should  declare  the 
causes  which  impel  them  to  the  separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident:  that  all  men  are 
created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  creator  with  [/«- 
herent  and^ '  inalienable  rights ;  that  among  these  are  life,  lib- 
erty, and  the  pursuit  of  happiness ;  that  to  secure  these  rights, 


ill. 

i 


\\ 


'W 


.amm 


MM 


governments   are   instituted   among   men,   deriving   their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed;  that  whenever  any 
form  of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the 
right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute  new 
government,  laying  its  founda'ion  on  such  principles,  and  or- 
ganizing its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most 
likely  to  effect  thtir  safety  and  happiness.     Prudence,  indeed, 
will  dictate  that  governments  long  established  should  not  be 
changed  for  light  and  transient  causes ;  and  accordingly  all  ex- 
perience hath  shown  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  sulTer 
while  evils  are  sufTerable,  than  to  right  themselves  by  abolish- 
ing the  forms  to  which  they  are  accustomed.     But  when  a  long 
train  of  abuses  and  usurpations  [^^^trww  at  a  distinguished  period 
ind]  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to 
reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is 
their  duty  to  throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide  new 
guards  for  their  future  security.      Such  has  been  the  patient 
sufferance  of  these  Colonies;  and  such  is  now  the  necessity 
which  constrains  them  to  [ex/>ung,y  their  former  systems  of 
government.     The  history  of  the  present  King  of  Great  Britain 
is  it  history  of  [iinr^mitting] '  injuries  and  usurpations,  {among 
which  appears  no  solitary  fact  to  contradict  the  uniform  tenor  of  the 
rest,  hut  all havcY  in  direct  object  'he  establishment  of  an  abso- 
lute tyranny  over  these  States.     To  prove  this,  let  facts  be  sub- 
mitted to  a  candid  woild  \/or  the  truth  of  which  we  pledge  a  faith 
yet  unsullied  by  falsehood\ 

He  has  refusod  his  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome  and 
necessary  for  the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  immediate 
and  pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their  operation 
till  his  assent  should  be  obtained ;  and,  when  so  suspended,  he 
has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws  for  the  accommodation 
of  large  districts  of  people,  unless  those  people  would  relinquish 
the  right  of  representation  in  tiie  Legislature,  a  right  inestimable 
to  them,  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual, 
uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  the  depository  of  their  public 
records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them  into  compliance 
with  his  measures. 

He  has  dissolved  representative  houses  repeatedly  \and 
continually\  for  opposing  with  manly  firmness  his  invasions  on 
the  rights  of  the  people. 


'  alter 


'  repeated 


'  all  having 


'■*^^mmnim-^"m>m^mmMmmxm'^m>mmwMMmmBWMWMfM;B: 


'S 


ving   their  just 

|t  whenever  any 

ie  ends,  it  is  the 

to  institute  new 

[nciples,  and  or- 

hall  seem  most 

udence,  indeed, 

should  not  be 

:ordingly  all  ex- 

sposed  to  suffer 

Ives  by  abolish- 

iut  when  a  long 

fiiiguiskul  period 

ces  a  design  to 

theii-  right,  it  is 

to  provide  new 

)een  the  patient 

•w  the  necessity 

mer  systems  of 

of  Great  Britain 

rpations,  \among 

'form  tenor  of  the 

nent  of  an  abso- 

let  facts  be  sub- 

we  pledge  a  faith 

t  wholesome  and 

ivs  of  immediate 

their  operation 

!0  suspended,  he 

accommodation 
would  relinquish 
right  inestimable 

t  places  unusual, 
^  of  their  public 
into  compliance 

repeatedly  [and 
lis  invasions  on 


'  obstructed 


'all  having 


He  has  refused  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolutions  to 
cause  others  to  be  elected,  whereby  the  legislative  powers,  in- 
capable of  annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  people  at  huge 
for  their  exercise,  the  State  remaining,  in  the  meantime,  ex- 
posed to  all  the  dangers  of  invasi(»n  from  without  and  convul- 
sions within. 

He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these 
States ;  for  that  purpose  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturalization 
of  foreigners,  refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage  their  migra- 
tions iiither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of  new  appropriations 
of  lands. 

He  has  \suffered'\  '  the  administration  of  justice  [totally  to 
cease  in  some  of  these  States'] '  refusing  his  assent  to  laws  for  es- 
tablishing judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  \pur']  judges  dependent  on  his  will  alone  for 
the  tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their 
salaries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  [hy  a  self  assumed 
power]  and  sent  hither  swarms  of  new  officers  to  harass  our  peo- 
ple and  eat  out  their  substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us  in  times  of  peace  standing  armies 
[and  ships  ofiuar]  without  the  consent  of  our  Legislatures. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of,  r.nd 
superior  to,  the  civil  power. 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction 
foreign  to  our  constitutions  and  unacknov/ledged  by  our  laws, 
giving  his  assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended  legislation  for  quar- 
tering large  bodies  of  aimed  troops  among  us ;  for  protecting 
them  by  a  mock  trial  from  punishment  for  any  mu-ders  which 
they  should  commit  on  the  inhabitants  of  these  States ;  for  cut- 
ting off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  ;  for  imposing  taxes 
on  us  without  our  consent ;  for  depriving  us  [  ] '  of  the  benefits 
of  trial  by  jury ;  for  transporting  us  beyond  seas  to  be  tried  for 
pretended  offences ;  for  abolishing  the  free  system  of  English 
laws  in  a  neighboring  province,  establishing  therein  an  arbitrary 
government,  and  enlarging  its  boundaries,  so  as  to  render  it  at 
once  an  example  and  fit  instrument  for  introducing  the  same 
absolute  rule  into  these  [StatesY;  for  taking  away  our  charters, 
abolishing  ^ur  most  valuable  laws,  and  altering  fundamentally 
the  forms  of  our  governments ;  for  suspending  our  own  Legis- 
latures, and  declaring  themselves  invested  with  power  to  legislate 
for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 


•  by 


in  many  cases 


•  Colonies 


11 


!  |i 


8 

He  lias  abdicated  government  here  \withdra7ving  his  gov- 
(rttors,  and  daldring  us  out  of  his  allegiance  and  protection].^ 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt  our 
towns,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign 
mercenaries  to  complete  the  works  of  death,  desolation,  and 
tyranny  already  begun  with  circumstances  of  cruelty  and  perfidy 
[  ] '  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens  taken  captive  on  the 
high  seas  to  bear  arms  against  their  country,  to  become  the  ex- 
ecutioners of  their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to  faU  themselves 
by  their  hands. 

He  has  [  ] '  endeavored  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our 
frontiers  the  merciless  Indian  sav'ages,  whose  known  rule  of 
warfare  is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes,  and 
conditions  [of  existence], 

[He  lias  incited  treasonable  insurrectinns  of  our  fellow-citizens, 
with  the  allurements  of  forfeiture  and  confiscation  of  our  property. 

He  has  waged  cruel  war  against  human  nature  itself,  violating 
its  most  sacred  rights  of  life  and  liberty  in  the  persons  of  a  distant 
people  who  never  offended  him,  captivating  and  carrying  thtm  into 
slavery  in  another  hemisphere,  or  to  incur  miserable  death  in  tliHr 
transportation  thither.  This  piratical  warfare,  the  opprobrium  of 
INFIDEL  powers,  is  the  warfare  of  the  christian  King  of  Great 
Britain.  Determined  to  keep  open  a  market  where  men  should  he 
bought  and  sold,  he  has  prostituted  his  negative  for  suppressing  every 
legislative  attempt  to  prohibit  or  to  restrain  this  execrable  commerce. 
And  that  this  assemblage  of  horrors  might  want  no  fact  of  distin- 
guished die,  he  is  mnv  exciting  those  very  people  to  rise  in  arms, 
among  us,  and  to  purchase  that  liberty  of  which  he  has  deprived 
them,  by  murdering  the  people  on  whom  he  also  obtruded  them :  thus 
paying  off  former  crimes  committed  agaimi  the  lii!ERTIES  of  one 
people  with  crimes  which  he  urges  them  to  commit  against  the  lives 
of  another.] 

In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions  we  have  petitioned  for 
redress  in  the  most  humble  terms :  our  repeated  petitions  have 
been  answered  only  by  repeated  injuries. 

A  Prince  whose  character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act 
which  may  define  a  tyrant  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  [  ]  *  peo- 


'  by  declaring  us  out  of  his  protection,  and  waging  war  against  us. 
'scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages,  and  totally 
'excited  domestic  insurrection  among  us,  and  has 
*free 


.4s-'  7  ! 


*v.%f4:i.^ 


7 


<nving  his  ^ov- 

asts,  burnt  our 

ics  of  foreign 
csolation,  and 
Ity  and  perfidy 

captive  on  the 
)ecome  the  ex- 
lU  themselves 

ibitants  of  our 
inown  rule  of 
jes,  sexes,  and 

fellow-citizens, 
our  property. 
r  itself,  violating 
nis  of  a  distant 
rying  thtni  into 
r  death  in  thdr 
\  opprobrium  of 
King  of  Great 
MEN  should  be 
tppressing  every 
'rable  commerce. 
)  fact  of  distin- 
'0  rise  in  armi 
he  has  deprived 
ded  them :  thus 
i!ERTiES  of  one 
';ainst  the  lives 

petitioned  for 
petitions  have 

by  every  act 
of  a  [  J  *  peo- 

ir  against  us. 
otallv 


■■t$Wl>S»(A. 


pie  \ivlio  mean  to  be  free.  Future  ages  will  scarcely  believe  that  the 
hardiness  of  one  man  adventured,  within  the  short  compass  of  twelve 
years  only,  to  lay  a  foundation  so  broad  and  so  undisguised  for  tyr- 
anny over  a  people  fostered  and  fixed  in  principles  of  freedom.  | 

Nor  have-  we  been  wanting  in  attentions  to  our  liritish 
brethren.  We  have  warned  them  from  time  to  time  of  attempts 
by  "^heir  leojislature  to  extend  \ti\ '  jurisdiction  over  [these  our 
States].'  Wo  have  reminded  them  of  the  circumstances  of  our 
emigration  and  settlement  here,  [no  one  of  wliich  could  warrant 
so  strange  <i  pretension :  that  these  were  effected  at  the  expense  of  our 
own  blood  (Ptd  treasure,  unassisted  by  the  wealth  or  the  strength  of 
Great  Britain :  that  in  constituting  indeed  our  several  forms  of 
goi'crnment,  we  had  adopted  one  common  king,  thereby  laying  a 
foundation  for  perpetual  league  and  amity  with  them :  but  that  sub- 
mission to  their  parliament  joas  no  part  of  our  Constitution,  nor 
aier  in  idea,  if  history  may  be  rredited:  and,]  we  [  ]  ^  appealed  to 
their  native  justice  atid  magnanimity  [as  well  as  to]  *  the  ties  of 
our  common  kindred  to  disavow  these  usurpations  which  [were 
likely  to] '  interrupt  our  connection  and  correspondence.  They 
too  have  been  deaf  to  the  voice  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity, 
[and  when  occasions  have  been  given  them,  by  the  regular  course  of 
their  laws,  of  r •amoving  from  their  councils  the  disturbers  of  our 
harmony,  they  have,  by  their  free  election,  re-established  them  in 
poKier.  At  this  very  time  too,  they  are  permitting  their  chief  magis- 
trate to  send  over  not  only  soldiers  of  our  common  blood,  but  Scotch 
and  foreign  mercenaries  to  invade  and  destroy  us.  These  facts  have 
given  the  last  stab  to  agonizing  affection,  and  manly  spirit  bids  us  to 
renounce  forever  these  unfeeling  brethren.  We  must  endeavor  to 
forget  our  former  love  for  them,  and  hold  them  as  we  hold  the  rest 
of  mankind,  enemies  in  loar,  in  peace  friends .  We  might  have  been 
a  free  and  a  great  people  together ;  but  a  communication  of  grandeur 
and  of  freedom,  it  seems,  is  below  their  dignity.  Be  it  so,  since  they 
will  have  it.  The  road  to  happiness  and  to  glory  is  open  to  us  too. 
We  will  tread  it  apart  from  them,  and] '  acquiesce  in  the  neces- 
sity which  denounces  our  [eternal]  separation  [  ] '  I 


We  therefore  the  represent- 
atives of  the  United  States 
of  America  in  General   Con- 


'  an  unwarrantable 

*and  we  have  conjured  them  by 


We  therefore  the  represent- 
atives of  '.he  United  .States 
of   America  in  General  Con- 

'  us  'have 

'  would  inevitably 


'  We  must  therefore 

'  and  hold  them  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  enemies  in  war,  la 
peacn  friends. 


^-i™':Mii«.^t 


'^Hm 


m 


10 


gress  assembled,  appeal  ng  to 
the  supreme  judj^e  of  the 
world  for  the  rectitude  of  our 
ii:letUions,  do  in  the  name, 
and  by  the  authority  of  the 
good  people  of  these  Colonies, 
solemnly  publish  and  declare, 
that  these  united  Colonies  are, 
and  of  right  ought  t*  be,  free 
and  independent  States ;  that 
they  are  absolved  from  all 
allegiance  to  the  iiritish  crown, 
and  that  all  political  connec- 
tion between  them  and  the 
state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and 
ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved ; 
and  that  as  free  and  indepen- 
dent Slates,  they  have  full 
power  to  levy  war,  conclude 
peace,  contract  alliances,  es- 
tablish commerce,  and  to  do 
all  other  acts  and  things  which 
independent  States  may  of 
right  do. 

And  for  the  support  of  this 
declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance 
on  the  protection  of  divine 
providence,  we  mutually  pledge 
to  each  other  our  lives,  our 
fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honor. 


gress  assembled,  do  in  the 
name,  and  by  ilie  authority  of 
the  good  people  of  these 
[S/a/es  rejixt  and  renounce  all 
a'kgiauce  and  subjection  to  the 
kings  of  Great  Britain  and  all 
others  7(>ho  may  hereafter  claim 
by,  through,  or  under  them ;  we 
utterly  dissolve  all  political  con- 
nection which  may  heretofore 
hi:ve  subsisted  between  us  and 
the  people  or  parliament  of  Great 
Britain:  and  finally  we  do  as- 
sert and  declare  these  Colonies  to 
be  free  and  independent  States^ 
and  that  as  free  and  indepen- 
dent States,  they  have  full 
power  to  levy  war,  conclude 
peace,  contract  alliances,  es- 
tablish commerce,  and  to  do 
all  other  acts  and  things  which 
independent  States  may  of 
right  do. 

And  for  the  support  of 
this  declaration,  we  mutually 
pledge  to  each  other  our  lives, 
our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred 
honor. 


The  original  copy  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  signed  at  Phil- 
adelphb,  is  preserved  at  the  Patent  Office  in  Washington.  It  is  not  divided 
into  paragraphs,  but  dwhes  are  insened.  The  arrangement  of  paragraphs 
here  followed  is  that  adopted  by  John  Dunlap,  who  printed  the  Declaration 
for  Congress  —  this  printed  copy  being  inserted  in  the  original  Journal  of 
the  old  Congress.  The  same  paragraphs  are  also  made  by  Jefferson,  in  the 
original  draught,  preserved  in  the  Department  of  State.  The  names  of  the 
signers  are  here  spelled  as  in  the  original.  Tlie  names  of  the  states  do  not 
appear  in  the  original.  The  names  of  the  signers  of  each  .State  are,  however, 
grouped  together,  except  the  name  of  Matthew  Thornton,  which  follows 
that  of  Oliver  Wolcott. 

A  very  full  account  of  the  circumstances  immediately  preceding  the 
Declaration  and  leading  up  to  it,  with  special  reference  to  the  part  taken  by 
Jefferson,  is  given  in  Randall's  Life  of  Jefferson,  vol.  i,  chaps,  iv  and  v. 


Jt.ltr* «"ii-  *<[>,  ttv^ MUT'^t  S .  -i^-^isM^ft SiS^iClfSsJ'  1 


n 


MKitn:.. 


II 


d,  do  in  the 
le  authority  of 
p!e  of  these 
(/  renounce  all 
nhjection  to  the 
^iritain  and  all 
hereafter  claim 
•tiller  them ;  we 
II  political  con- 
nay  heretofore 
etween  us  and 
lament  of  Great 
tally  we  do  as- 
hese  Colonies  to 
k-ndent  States,"] 

and  indcpen- 
ley  have  full 
war,  conclude 

alliances,  es- 
:;e,  and  to  do 
d  things  which 
;ates    may    of 

:  support  of 
,  we  mutually 
)ther  our  lives, 
id  our  sacred 


;,  sjpied  at  Phil- 
It  IS  not  divided 
nt  of  paragraphs 
1  the  Declaration 
iginal  Journal  of 
•Jefferson,  in  the 
'he  names  of  the 
:he  states  do  not 
ate  are,  however, 
1,   which  follows 

:ly  preceding  the 
he  part  taken  by 
chaps,  iv  and  v. 


The  discussion  of  the  authorship  of  the  Declaration,  in  the  latter  chapter, 
is  |)artic'.iarly  interesting  and  valuable.  The  following  letter  from  Jefferson 
to  Madison  (  August  30.  1S25),  which  was  drawn  out  by  a  very  careless  and 
faulty  statement  of  the  circtimstances  by  John  Adams,  is  undoubtedly  the 
correct  and  sulficient  word  upon  this  subject : 

"  MoNi'icKi.U),  August  30,  i8:!3. 
Dear  Sik,— I  received  the  enclosed  letters  from  the  I'residcnl,  with 
a  re(|uest,  that  after  perusal  I  would  forward  them  to  you,  for  perusal  by 
yourself  also,  and  to  be  returned  then  to  him.     You  have  doubtless  seen 
Timothy   Pickerings'  fourth   of  July  observations  on  the   Declaration   of 
Independence.     If   his   principles   and   prejud'ces,  personal   and   political, 
gave  us  no  reason  to  doubt  whether  he  had  truly  riuoted  tlie  information  he 
alleges  to  have-  received  from  Mr.  Adams,  I  should  then  say,  that  in  some 
of  the  particulars,  Mr.  Adams'  memory  ha.»  led   h:ni  into  unquestionable 
error.     At  the  age  of  eighty- ei.niht,  and  forty-seven  years  after  the  transactions 
of  Independence,  this  is  not  wonderful.     Nor  should  I,  at  the  age  of  eighty, 
o\  the  small  advantage  of  that  difference  only,  venture  to  oppose  my  memory 
to  his,  were  it  not   supported  by  written   notes,   taken    by   myself   at   the 
mimeut  and  on  the  spot.     He   says,  'the  committee  of  five,  to  wit,   Dr. 
Franklin,  Sherman,  Livingston,  and  ourselves,  met,  discussed  the  subject, 
and  then  appointed  him  and  myself  to  make  the  draught;  that  we,  as  a  sut)- 
committee,  met,  and  after  the  urgencies  of  each  on  the  other,  I  consented  to 
undertake  the  task  ;  that  the  draught  being  made,  we,  the  sul>committee, 
met,  and  conned  the  paper  over,  and  he  docH  not  remember  that  he  made  or 
suggested  a  single  alteration."     Now  these  det.-iils  are  cjuite  incorrect.    The 
committee  of  five  met;  no  such  thing  as  a  sid'-committee  was  proposed, 
but  they  unanimously  pressed  on  myself  alone  to  undertake  the  draught. 
I  consented;   1  drew  it;  but  before  I  reported  it  to  the  committee,  I  com- 
municated it  separably  to  Dr.   Franklin  and  Mr.  Ad.ims,  requesting  their 
corrections,  because  they  were  the  two  members  of  whose  judgments  and 
amendments  I    wished  most  to  have  the  benefit,  before  presenting  it  to  the 
committee;  and  you  have  seen  the  original  paper  now  in  my  h^nds,  with 
the  corrections   of  Dr.   Franklin  and    Mr.  Adams   interlined  in  their  own 
hand  writings.     Their  alterations  were  two  or  three  only,  .md  merely  verbal. 
I  then  wrote   a  fair  copy,  reported  it  to  the  committee,  and  from  them, 
unaltered,   to   Congress.     This  personal   communication   and   consultation 
with  Mr.  Adams,  he  has  misremembered  into  the  actings  of  a  sub-committee. 
Pickering's  observations,  and  Mr.  Adams'  in  addition,  '  that  it  contaiiied 
no  new  ideas,  'hat  it  is  a  common-place  cc.npilation,  its  sentiments  hacknied 
in  Congress  for  two  years  before,  and  its  essence  contained  in  Otis'  pam- 
l)hlet,'  may  .all  be  true.     Oi  that  I  am  not  to  be  the  judge.     Richard  Henry 
Lee  ch.arged  it  as  copied  from  Locke's  treatise  on  government.     Otis'  pam- 
phlet I  never  saw,  and  whether  I  had  gathered  my  ideas  from  reading  or 
reflection  I  do  not  know.     I  know  only  that  I  turned  to  neither  book  nor 
pamphlet  while  writing  it.     I  did  not  consider  it  as  any  part  of  mv  charge 
to  invent  new  ideas  .altogether,  and  to  offer  no  sentiment  which  had  ever 
been   expressed  before.     Had    Mr.    Adams   been  so   restrained,    Congress 
would  iiave  lost  the  benefit  of  his  bold  and  impressive  advocations  of  the 
r^ijhts  of  Revolution.     For  no  man's  confident  and  fervid  addresses,  more 
than   Mr.  Adams',   encouraged   and  supported    us  through  the   difiicultles 
surrounding  us,  which,  like  the  ceaseless  action  of  gravity,  weighed  on  us 
by  night  and  by  d.ay.     Yet,  on  the  same  gr-umd,  we  may  ask  what  of  these 
elevated  thoughts  was  new ;   or  can  be  afllrmed  never  before  to  have  entered 
the  conceiitions  of  man  ?     Whether,  also,  the  sentiments  of  Indeiiendence, 
and  the  reasons  for  declaring  it,  which  make  so  great  a  portion  of  the  in- 


-  ^yj!^gH#i?o!ff-''-" 


12 


•trument,  had  been  hackneyed  in  Conprcsn  for  two  years  before  the  4th  of 
[uly,  '7*'.  <"■  ''"'^  diLliiin  also  of  Mr.  A. lams  bo  another  .shp  ot  mv.in<iry,  let 
listory  say.  This,  howt.ver,  I  will  say  tor  Mr.  Adams,  that  he  supiiorted 
:hc  Decl.ritioii  with  /ral  and  ahilily,  finluinn  fearlessly  for  evory  word  of  it. 


I 


the ,.,... 

As  to  myself,  I  lhnii)ir|it  it  a  duty  to  be,  on  that  otcasion,  a  passive  auditor 
of  the  opinions  of  otheis,  ntor'o  impartial  jndges  than  I  conid  l)e,  of  its 
merits  or  demerits.  During  the  debate  I  was  oitting  by  Dorlor  l-ranklin. 
•ind  he  ob.served  that  I  was  writhing  a  little  under  the  arnmntiious  entiiisms 
on  some  of  its  parts;  and  it  wa<  on  that  excision,  that  by  wav  of  loniforl, 
he  ti)ld  me  the  story  of  John  Tiompsim,  the  hatter,  and  his  new  si^n. 
Timothy  thinks  the  instrument  the  belter  tor  having  a  fourth  of  it  expunged. 
.le  would  have  thouuht  it  still  better,  had  the  other  three-fourths  cone  out 
also,  all  but  the  Single  senliment  (the  only  one  he  approves),  whieh  recom- 
mends friendsliip  to  his  dear  Kn),dand,  whenever  she  is  willing  to  be  at 
peace  with  us.  His  in  inimtions  are,  that  althoiinh  'the  high  t(me  of  the 
instrument  was  in  unison  with  the  warm  feelings  of  the  times,  this  sentiment 
of  habitual  friendship  to  England  should  never  be  forgotten,  and  that  the 
duties  it  enjoins  should  fspfiuiltv  be  borne  in  mind  on  every  celebration  of 
this  anniversary.'  In  other  words,  that  the  Declaration,  as  being  a  libel  on 
the  government  of  I'jigland,  composed  in  times  of  passion,  should  now  be 
buried  in  utter  oblivion,  to  spare  the  feelings  of  our  Knglish  friends  :'nd 
Angloman  fellow-citizens.  Hut  it  is  not  to  wound  them  that  we  wish  to 
keep  it  in  mind  ;  but  to  cherish  the  principles  ot  the  instrument  in  the 
l)osoms  of  our  own  citizens:  and  it  is  a  heavenly  comfort  to  see  that  these 
principles  are  yet  so  strongly  felt,  as  to  render  a  circumstance  so  trifling  as 
this  little  lapse  of  niemoiy  of  Mr.  Adams',  worthy  of  being  solemnly  an- 
nounced and  supported  at  an  anniversary  assembl  ige  of  the  nation  on  its 
birthday.  In  oppo.silion,  however,  lo  Mr.  I'ickeriiig,  I  praydoil  that  these 
principles  rav  be  eternal,  and  close  the  i>rayer  with  my  affectionate  wishes 
for  yourself  of  long  life,  health  and  iiappmess." 

A  somewhat  famous  charge  of  want  of  originality,  wliii.li  Ims  been 
brought  against  the  Ueclaration  of  Independence,  may  here  be  noticed.  A 
papor,  styled 

The  MECKLENBURti  DECLAKArioN  or  Independence, 

said  to  have  been  adopted  by  the  Committee  cf  Mecklenburg  county.  North 
Carolina,  May  20,  1775,  the  day  after  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  battle 
of  Lexington,  was  first  published  in  the  Kaleigh  (N.  C.)  Register,  April  30, 
1S19.  It  was  as  follows,  the  phrases  coinciding  with  those  of  the  National 
Declaration  being  printed  in  italics  : 

"  I.  Kesotvui,  That  whosoever  directly  or  indirectly  abetted,  or  in  any 
way,  form,  or  manner,  countenanced  the  unchartered  and  dangerous  in- 
vasion of  our  rights,  as  claimed  by  (Ircat  Britain,  is  an  enemy  to  this  Country 
to  America  — .and  to  the  inherent  and  inalienaMe  righls  of  man. 

2.  A'esa/ved,  That  we  the  citizens  of  Mecklenburg  County,  do  hereby 
dissolve  the  political  hands  which  have  eo-ineeted  Vif,  to  the  Mother  Country, 
and  \i^\Qb^  absolve  ourselves //vw  all  alUxiance  to  the  Piitish  Crojon,  and 
abjure  all  political  connection,  contract,  or  association,  with  that  Nation,  who 
iiave  wantonly  trampled  on  our  rights  and  liberties  —  and  inhumanly  shed 
the  innocent  blood  of  American  patriots  at  Lexington. 

3.  Resolved,  That  we  do  hereby  de':lare  ourselves  a  free  and  independ- 
ent people,  arc,  and  0/  ri-^ht  ou^ht  ic  be,  a  sovereign  and  self-governing 
Association,  under  the  control  of  no  power  other  than  that  of  our  God  and 


i 


lefore  the  4th  of 
lit  mv-iiiory,  let 
at  lie  Hupuorted 
jvory  woicl  (if  it. 
passive  au'litor 
could  1)0,  of  itH 
)()rlor  Krankliii, 
iitiious  critirisms 
wav  of  i:omfiiil, 
d  hin  new  si^n. 
1  of  it  expunged, 
ourtlis  Boiiu  out 
1),  wlikii  recom- 
willing  to  l)e  at 
iij{l^  tone  of  the 
s,  this  "entiment 
en,  and  tliat  the 
•y  cclel)ratinn  of 
lieing  a  libel  on 
,  should  now  he 
;lish  friends  :'nd 
that  we  wish  to 
)Htruinent  in  the 
o  see  that  tiicse 
nee  so  trilling  as 
ing  solemnly  an- 
hc  nation  on  its 
y'  (ioil  that  these 
fectionate  wishes 


wliicli    iiits    been 
5  l)e  noticed.     A 


DENCE, 

rg  county,  North 

L'ws  of  the  battle 

egister,  April  30, 

of  the  National 

betted,  or  in  any 
id  dangerous  in- 
IV  to  this  Country 
of  man. 

junty,  do  hereby 
Mother  Country, 
itish  Crmvn,  and 
that  Nation,  who 
1  inhumanly  shed 

'ree  and  independ- 
iid  self-governing 
t  of  our  God  and 


13 

the  r.eneral  Oovernmcnt  of  the  ConKress;  to  the  maintenance  of  ^hjch  in- 
depemkme.  wc  solemnly  pied,.  U.  .,.A  M,,;  our  mutual  ccHipera.K.n,  our 
iives,  our /i"  lull,  s.  Olid  our  miMl  s,cied  hoiioi-  „,i  ,.,>„,r,>l 

A  A',  >,.  f  J.  'I'hat  as  we  r.ow  acknowledge  the  existence  and  control 
of  no1aw  .  r  k,;aVotticer,  civil  or  nilitary.  witlf  this  County  we  <lo  hereby 
o  .  ain  an<l  adopt,  as  a  rule  of  lif. ,  all,  each  and  every  of  our  '"nne  1.  ws - 
wherein,  nevertheless,  the  Crown  -f  (/.reat  Hritain  never  can  be  cnsulered 
U  holding  riglns,  privileges,  immunities,  or  anJiority  tliei«  in. 

i    h\  vv/-r /  That  it  is  also  further  decreed,  that  all,  each  and  every 

milita?;-  oflccn  this  County,  is  hereby  reinstated  to  his  foinu  r  .  nmmand 

S  "^hrllh   ,  he  acting  cnforniably  to  these  ^^^f'-^^'^^^^^^    '^^'l 

member  nresent  of  this  delegation  shall  henceforth  be  a  uvil  ollnir,  vu.  a 

us  ice  oAhe  I'eace,  in  the  character  of  a  '  Comm,H.e-,i,.,„,'  to  issue  itocc^ss. 

h^ar  and  dee -mine' all  matters  of  controversy,  accord  ng  V>  7!"' ;';  "l''^^ 

aws    ud  to  Pieservc  peace,  an.l  union,  and  harmony,  m  said  Countv,  and 

ouieeverv  exertion  to  spread   the  love  of  countr;y  an.l   five  of   freedom 

!hr.  ugh'mt-\merica,  until  a  more  general  and  org.nfied  government  be  es- 

'"""lii'l.rltlTc^p^of'Ihe  alleged  Mecklenbun?  Declaration  of  Indepe.Kl- 
ence  hi^s  l  vcn  to  M,e  public  foitv-fonr  y.ars  after  the  event,  was  accom- 
nani;.!  l^a^  is  ..i"al  stitement  purporting  to  have  been  written  at  the  time; 
and  I  ese  t  y,  much  controversy  arising,  this  statc-inent  was  subst.mtiany 
conlilmod  by  the  afti.lavits  of  .Aany  o\l  citizens  of  Mecklenburg  who  re- 

"'^■"'^•r;!,::'ls\r,SS"' wrote  John  Adam,  to  JcH-sot,  (J.me  ...  tStp). 
"  that  this  paper  should  have  been  concealed  from  me  to  this  d.u  ?  1  latl  it 
been  conn  un  cated  to  me  in  the  time  of  it,  I  know,  if  you  do  not  know,  tha 

Uwould  have  been  printed  in  every  -''iKZ-rP^^P^^XThe  l.'irorCongrtTs 
know  that  if  I  had  possessed  it,  I  would  have  made  the  I  all  ot  i  on(,rtss 
e  ho  and  eecho  with  it  fifteen  months  before  your  Declaration  of  I"<  c-pc"d- 
ence  What  a  pooi,  ignorant,  malicious,  short-sighted,  crapulous  n  ass  is 
Tom  fame's 't'omnum  Sense  '  in  compari.son  with  this  rapcr.  tiaa  I 
kno^n  it,  I  would  have  commented  upon  it  from  the  '"^'V  >"" '^"1'='^'' *-,""; 
gresTIill  the  fourth  of  July,  .776-  /Ihc  genuine  sense  of  America  at  that 
moment  was  never  so  well  expressed  before  or  since. 

"•""Teffer^^ 'n-s  interesting  rlply  (July  9,  .S.9.)  may  be  found  m  the  comp     e 
edition  of  'TtlTtrsou's  Works,  vol.  vii.  1).  128,  in  Randall  s  l.ile  vj  J.JP  s"''> 
vol    iU,  P    57f(ap,)endix  No.  2,  on  the  Mecklenburg  Declaration  ■>,   liule- 
nende  ce)   and  elsewhere.    1  le  was  an  "  unbeliever  m  the  apocryphal  gospel, 
Eeievedthepapc    a  fabricate     "until  positive  and  «"1«^";"  l""°f  "','  onld 
thenticitv  be  produced,"  and  made  it  plain  that  the  allege.l  '1?^';^'^^""'"  ^""^.J 
not  h  ive  been  known  to  himself  or  to  anv  influential  person  m  the  North,  in 
?776      As  to  the  question  of  "  plat^iari^      "on  Jeffers..n's  part,  over  which 
much  controvesy  arose,  a  little  exan.u.uon  would  have  shown  that  it  was 
R^ard     lenry  /.ee.  and  not  Jefferson,  who  was  really  rcspons.be  for  the 
intrStiono/ almost  all  the 'controverted  phrases  into  the 
Indenendence.     The  committee  charged  with  the  preparation  of  the  I  )eclara- 
tion  had  been  instructed  to  draw  it  in  conformity  with  the  resolu. on  passed 
by  Confiress  on   he  2d  of  July.  .770.  which  resolut  on.  penned  by  Richa  d 
rienry  Lee,  was  as  follows:   "  A'«^/tr</,  That  these  United  Colonics  „;v, ,, W 
ofrUhtouM  to  bt,  free  and  independent  States  :  that  they  are  absolved  from 
Zu    Xiuc     0  the  liritish  Crmin  ;  and  that  all  pol.tical  connection  between 
them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  of  right  onght  to_  he  dissolved" 
The  pledge  of  "our  lives  and  fortunes"  occurs  constantly  m  the  political 
literature  of  1775  and  1776,  and  was  one  of  the  commonplaces  of  the  t.me. 


14 

In  1S3.S,  Mr.  I'l'tcr  Force,  the  editor  of  the  Amfriciiii  Arihii'tt,  brought 
tn  light  \\\\M  most  SI  hcilars)  have  since  regarded  as  the  solution  of  the  uiatlcr, 
vi/.,  a  Heries  of  resolutions  adopted  l)y  "the  Committee-men  "  ol  Mecklun- 
burg  County  im  the  yst  of  May,  17751  """l  widely  disseminated  at  the  time 
both  in  sDuiliern  and  northern  newspapers.  These  resolutions  (niven  in 
Kandall's  ap|)en(lix,  and  in  (liaham's  and  Wellin^'s  iu|)ers,  referred  to  be- 
low) were  a  virtu.d  dtu:lardti(in  of  independence,  but  (lilfired  essentially  from 
the  declaration  alleged  to  h;ive  been  drawn  up  eleven  days  previously. 
There  may  have  be^n  a  meeting  on  the  earlier  day,  and  certain  icsolution« 
may  then  have  been  passed;  but  they  were  probably  not  in  the  terms  of  the 

f)aper  which  was  given  to  the  piil)lic  in  iSk)  and  which,  wlieiuver  coinpilcil 
)y  its  author,  was  doubtless  comiiled  not  with  the  aid  of  any  written 
records,  but  from  general  recollections,  as  we  know  to  have  been  tlie  case  in 
another  version,  which  a|)i)earcd  subsequently,  A  very  thorough  and  search- 
ing art. cle  by  James  (.'..  Welling,  takiig  this  position,  which  i-i  also  the  position 
of^Mr.  Randall,  aopeared  in  the  North  American  Review  for  April,  1874. 
The  aiilhenticity  of  the  Mecklenburg  Declaration  is  ablv  defended  by  lion. 
William  A.  Crahain,  in  an  address  (lelivered  at  Charlotte,  N.  C.,  February 
4,  1S75,  and  since  published  in  book  form.  This  address  considers  Mr. 
Wclling's  article  and  all  the  previous  important  literature  on  the  subject. 


"  When  your  lordships  look  at  the  papers  trangmittcd  us  from  Amer- 
ica, when  you  consider  their  decency,  firmness,  and  wisdom,  you  cannot  but 
respect  their  -ause,  and  wish  to  make  it  your  own.  For  myself,  1  must 
declare  and  av  >v\',  that  in  all  my  reading  and  observation  — and  it  has  been 
my  favorite  s'')dy — 1  h.ive  read  Thucydidts  and  have  stiulied  and  admired 
the  master  states  of  the  world  —  that  for  solidity  of  reasoning,  force  of  sa- 
g.»city,  and  wisdom  of  conclusion,  under  such  a  coniplicalion  of  difficult 
circumstances,  no  nation  or  body  cf  men  can  stand  in  preference  to  the 
general  congress  at  Philadelphia.  I  trust  it  is  obvious  to  vour  lordships 
that  all  attempts  to  impose  servitude  upon  such  men,  to  establish  despotism 
over  sucli  a  mighty,  continental  nation,  must  be  vain,  must  be  fatal.  We 
shall  be  forced  ultimately  to  retr.ict.  Let  us  retract  while  we  can,  not  when 
we  must.  Avoid  this  humiliating,  disgraceful  necessity.  With  a  dignity 
becoming   your  e.xalted  situation,  make  the  first  advances  to  concord,  to 

fieace,  and  happiness  ;  for  that  is  your  true  dignity,  to  act  with  prudence  and 
ustice.  That  yon  should  first  concede  is  obvious  from  sound  and  rational 
policy.  Concession  comes  with  better  grace  and  more  salutary  clloct  from 
superior  power.  It  reconciles  superiority  of  jjo'.ver  with  the  f-  slings  of  men, 
and  establishes  solid  confidence  on  the  foundations  of  affci  m  and  grati- 
tude. Every  motive  of  justice  and  of  policy,  of  dignity  and  of  prudence, 
urges  you  to  allay  the  ferment  in  America,  by  a  removal  of  your  troii])s  from 
Boston,  by  a  repeal  of  your  acts  of  parliament,  and  by  ((emonstiation  of 
amicable  dispositions  towards  your  colonies.  On  the  other  hand,  every 
danger  and  every  hazard  impend  to  deter  you  from  perseverance  in  your 
present  ruinous  measures. "  —  Lord  Cliatliavi. 


\  A 


*'  Whatever  might  be  the  importance  of  American  independence  in  the 
history  of  Kngland,  it  was  of  unequalled  moment  in  the  history  of  the  world. 
If  it  crippled  for  a  while  the  supremacy  of  the  English  nation,  it  foundetj 
the  supremacy  of  the  English  race.    From  the  hour  of  American  Independ 


vfc^'iT^i.jvi'itjSBiiiirijJr 


stayTn'i^iwriiiw 


II 


A! 
-1 


rthivts,  brought 
)n  (if  tho  matter, 
1  "  ol  iMi'ckliMi- 
iIcmI  at  the  time 

itiolH    (^IVC'II    ill 

rofcrrod  to  l)e- 
CHHciittally  from 
ays  pruvKiimly. 
t.iin  icsolutioiis 
he  It'rtTH  of  the 
liner  com|illed 
of  any  written 
lecn  the  case  in 
iigh  anil  scarch- 
itlso  the  position 
for  April,  1S74. 
fendetl  l>y  Hon. 
i.  ('.,  l''ei)riiary 

considers  Mr. 

the  subject. 


us  from  Amer- 
yon  cuniiot  hut 
myself,  I  must 
ind  it  has  iicen 
;d  and  admired 
n),;,  force  of  sa- 
lion  of  difficult 
ufercnce  to  the 
your  lordships 
blish  despotism 
be  fatal.  We 
;  can,  not  when 
With  a  dignity 
to  concord,  to 
:h  prudence  and 
lid  and  rational 
tary  clfoct  from 
F"  slings  of  men, 
L  in  and  grati- 
d  of  prudence, 
our  troops  from 
Miionstration  of 
her  hand,  every 
xrance  in  your 


pendencc  in  the 
>ry  of  the  world, 
tion,  it  foundecj 
rican  Iiidepend 


ence  the  life  of  the  English  People  has  flowed  not  in  one  current,  but  In 

two  ;  and  while  the  older  h  is  shown  little  signs  of  lessening,  the  younger 
has  fast  risen  to  a  greatness  which  has  changed  the  face  of  the   world.     In 
17.S)  Aiiari-;a  w.is  a  nation  of  threo  millions  of  iiilialiitaiits,  scallcrcd  thinly 
along  the  coast  of  tho  Atlantic  Ocean.     It  is  now  a  nation  oi  foitv  tnillions, 
stretching  over  the  whole  continent  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.     In 
wealth  and  ni.iterial  energy,  as  in   numbers,  it   f.ir  surpa-sc^  the   mother- 
country  from  which  it  sprang.     It  is  already  the  m  lin  jiraiich  ol  llic  I'lnglish 
People;  and  in  thi!  davs  that  are  at  hand  the  main  cnrreiit  of  that  |)eople'» 
history  must  run  along  the  1  haiinel  not  of  the    Thames  <m    the   Mersey,  but 
of   the  Hudson  and  the  Missi^-ippi.     Hut  di^^tiiict  as  tlie.sc  currrents  arc, 
every  year  proves  more  clearly  that  in  spirit  the  Knglisli  People  is  one.     Th*! 
dUtanie  that  piirted  Kngland  from  America  lessens  every  day.      The  ties 
that  unite  them  grow  every  d.iy  stnniger.     Tho  social  and  political  differ- 
ences that  threatened  a  himdied  years  ago  to   form  an   impassable   barrier 
between  them  '..row  every  d.iy  less.     .Against  this  silent  and  inevitable  drift 
of  things  the  .spirit  of  narrow  isolation  on  either  side  of  the  Atlantic  strug- 
gles in  vain.     It  is  possible  that  the  two  branches  of  the  lai.^Ush  People  will 
remain  for  ever  separate  political  existences.      !t  is  likely  enough  tli.-it   the 
older  of  them  m.iy  again  break  in  twain,  and  that  the  ICnglish   People  in  the 
Pacific  may  a.ssert  as  distinct  a  national  life  as  the  two  I'.nglisli   Peoples  on 
either  side'the  Atlantic.     Hut  the  spirit,  the  intbience,  of  all  these  branches 
will  remain  one.     And  in  thus  remaining  one,  before  half  a  centu.y  is  over 
it  will  change  the  face  of  the  world.     As  two  hnmlred  millions  of   Kiiglish- 
men  fill  the  valley  of  the  Mi.ssissippi,  as  fifty  millions  of  I'aiglislimeii  a.ssert 
their  lordship  ovjr  Australasia,  this  vast  power  will  tell  throegh  Britain  im 
the  old  world  of  Kurope,  whose  nations  will  have  shrunk  int)  iii-^i.uniticance 
before  it.     What  the  issues  of  such  a  world-witle  change  may  be,  not  even 
the  wildest  dreamer  would  dare  to  dream,     lint  one  issue  ^s  inevitable.     In 
the  centuries  that  lie  before  ns,  the  primacy  of  the  worltl      ill  lie  with   ■.uc 
English  People.     English  institutions,  English  speech,  I'.nglish  thought   will 
become  the  in..;i,  features  of  the  iiolitical,  the  social,  and  th..-  h.tHllH.t.i  I  lifp 
of  mankind."  —  7'///'  Kirhurd  Green.     See  chapter  on  the  Independence  of 
America,  in  his  History  of  the  English  People. 


•.'^I^HSI^wi 


THE  CONSTITUTION   OF  THE    UNITED    SIATE.S. 

With  Bibliographical  and  Historical' Notes  and  Outlines  for  Study. 

PllEl'ARKn  BY  EuwiN  D.  Mkad. 


This  Manual  is  published  by  the  Directors  of  the  Old  South  Studies  In 
History  and  Politics,  for  the  use' of  schools  and  of  such  clubs,  cla.sses  and 
individual  students  as  may  wish  to  make  a  careful  study  of  the  t.'onstitntion 
and  its  history.  The  societies  of  young  men  and  women  now  happily  being 
organized  evc'rvwhere  in  America  for  historical  and  political  study  can  do 
nothing  better 'to  begin  with  than  to  make  them.selves  thoroughly  familiar 
with  the  Constitution.  It  is  especially  with  such  soci-'ties  in  view  that  the 
table  of  topics  for  study,  which  follows  the  very  full  bibliogra|>hical  notes  in 
this  manual,  has  been  prepared.  A  copy  of  the  manual  will  be  sent  to  any 
addiess  on  receipt  of  twenty-five  cents;  one  hundred  copies,  hftcen  dollars. 
Address  Directors  of  Old  South  Stw/ies,  Old  South  Meetins  House,  or  D. 
C,  Heath  &'  Co.,S  Somerset  street,  Boston. 


i6 


OLD   SOUTH   l.KAFLETS,   GKNERAL  SERIKS. 


Thf  Old  South  Leaflets,  which  have  been  published,  during  the  last 
seven  years,  in  connection  with  the  annual  courses  of  historical  lectures  at 
the  Old  South  Meeting  House,  have  attracted  so  much  attention  and  proved 
of  so  much  service,  that  the  Directors  have  arranged  for  the  publication  of 
a.  general  series  of  Leaflets  with  the  needs  of  schools,  colleges,  private  clubs 
and  classes  especially  in  mind.  These  Leaflets  are  largely  reproductions  of 
imjortant  original  papers,  accompanied  by  useful  historical  and  bibliographi- 
cal notes.  They  consist,  on  an  average,  of  sixteen  pages,  and  are  sold  at 
the  low  price  of  five  cents  a  copy  or  three  dollars  per  hundred.  The  aim 
is  to  bring  them  within  easy  reach  of  everybody.  The  Old  South  work  is  a 
work  for  the  education  of  the  people,  especially  the  education  of  young 
people,  in  American  history  and  politics,  and  its  promoters  believe  that 
few  things  can  contribute  better  to  this  end  than  the  wide  circulation  of 
such  leaflets  as  those  now  proposed.  It  is  hoped  that  professors  in  our 
colleges  and  teachers  everywhere  will  welcome  them  for  use  in  their 
classes,  and  that  they  may  meet  the  needs  of  the  societies  of  young  men 
and  women  now  happily  being  organized  in  so  many  places  for  historical  and 
political  studies.  Some  idea  of  the  character  of  this  series  may  be  gained 
from  the  following  list  of  the  subjects  of  the  first  sixteen  numbers,  which  are 
now  ready ; 

No.  I.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  2.  The  ."Xrticles  of  Con- 
federation. 3.  The  Declaration  of  Independence.  4.  Washington's  Fare- 
well Address.  5.  Magna  Charta.  6.  Vane's  "  Healing  Question."  7. 
Charter  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  1629.  8.  Fundamental  Orders  of  Connecticut, 
1638.  9.  Franklin's  Plan  of  Union,  1754.  10.  Washington's  Inaugurals.  11. 
Lincoln's  Inaugurals  and  Emancipation  Proclamation.  12.  The  Federalist, 
Nos.  I  and  2.  13.  The  Ordinance  of  1787.  14.  The  Constitution  of  Ohio* 
15.  Washington's  Letter  to  the  Governors  of  the  States,  1783.  i6.  Wash- 
ington's Letter   to   Benjamin  Harrison,   1784. 

*  Double  number,  price  ten  cents. 


i       \ 


S'J^^'*'^^  *^"tfnr>t^T^* 


lERIKS. 


5d,  during  the    last 
storical  lectures  at 
tention  and  proved 
the  publication  of 
eges,  private  clubs 
y  rej)roductions  of 
il  and  bibliographi- 
•s,  and  are  sold  at 
undred.     The  aim 
Id  South  work  is  a 
Jucation  of  young 
loters  believe  that 
'ide  circulation  of 
professors  in  our 
for  use    in   their 
ties  of  young  men 
s  for  historical  and 
ries  may  Ije  gained 
umbers,  which  are 

le  Articles  of  Con- 
ashington's  Fare- 
?  Question."  7. 
■rs  of  Connecticut, 
s  Inaugurals,  u. 
The  Federalist, 
titution  of  Ohio.* 
783.     16.  Wasli- 


SEVENTH   SERIES,  iS8g.  No.  8. 

Declaration 

of  the 

Rights  of  Men. 


liV   THK   N.VTIOV.VL   A.S.SEMBLY   OF   FRANCE, 
AUGUST   27,   1789. 


The  representatives  of  the  French  people,  formed  into  a 
National  Assembly,  considering  that  ignorance,  forgetfulness,  or 
contempt  of  the  Rights  of  Men  are  the  sole  causes  of  public 
grievances,  and  of  the  corruption  of  government,  have  resolved 
to  exhibit  in  a  solemn  declaration  the  natural,  unalienable,  and 
sacred  Rights  of  .Man,  in  order  that  this  declaration,  ever  pres- 
ent to  all  the  members  of  the  Social  Body,  may  incessantly 
remind  them  of  their  rights  and  of  their  duties  ;  to  the  end, 
that  the  acts  of  the  Legislative  Power  and  those  of  the  Execu- 
tive Power,  being  able  to  be  every  moment  compared  with  the 
end  of  all  political  institutions,  may  acquire  the  more  respect ; 
in  order  also,  that  the  remonstrances  of  the  citizens  fn-'ided 
henceforward  on  t^iinple  and  incontestible  pn-iciples,  may  ever 
tend  to  maintain  the  Constitution,  and  to  promote  the  general 
good. 

For  this  reason,  the  National  4ot^;.,oly  recognises,  and 
declares,  in  the  presence  of  and  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Supreme  Heing,  the  following  Rights  of  Men  and  Citizens  : 

1.  Men  were  born,  and  always  continue,  free  and  equal  in 
respect  to  their  rights ;  civil  distinctions,  therefore,  can  be 
founded  only  on  pulDlic  utility. 

2.  The  end  of  all  political  associations  is  the  preservation 
of  the  natural  and  imprescriptible  rights  of  man  ;  and  these 
rights  are  liberty,  property,  security,  and  the  resistance  of 
oppression. 

3.  The  nation  is  essentiady  the  source  of  all  sovereignty  ; 


nor  can  any  individual,  or  any  body  of  men,  be  entitled  to  any 
authority  which  is  not  expressly  derived  from  it. 

4.  Political  liberty  consists  in  the  power  of  doing  whatever 
does  not  injure  another.  The  exercise  of  the  natural  rights  of 
every  man  has  no  other  limits  th.^n  those  which  are  necessary  to 
secure  to  every  other  man  the  free  exercise  of  the  same  rights  ; 
and  these  limits  are  determinable  alone  by  the  law. 

5.  The  law  ought  only  to  piohibit  actions  hurtful  to  society. 
What  is  not  prohibited  by  the  law  should  not  be  hinde-""'^. ;  nor 
should  any  one  be  compelled  to  that  which  the  law  does  not 
require. 

6.  The  law  is  an  expression  of  the  will  of  the  community. 
All  citizens  have  a  right  to  concur,  either  personally  or  by  their 
representatives,  in  its  formation.  It  should  be  the  same  to  all, 
whether  it  protects  or  punishes  ;  and  all  being  equal  in  its  sight, 
are  equally  eligible  to  honours,  places,  and  employments, 
according  to  their  different  abilities,  without  any  other  distinc- 
tion than  that  created  by  their  virtues  and  talents. 

7.  No  man  should  be  accused,  arrested,  or  held  in  con- 
finement, except  in  cases  determined  by  the  law,  and  according 
to  the  forms  which  it  has  prescribed.  All  who  promote,  solicit, 
execute,  or  cause  to  be  executed,  arbitrary  orders,  ought  to  be 
punished;  and  every  citizen  called  upon  or  apprehended  by 
virtue  of  the  law  ought  immediately  to  obey,  and  he  renders 
himself  culpable  by  resistance. 

8.  The  law  ought  to  impose  no  other  penalties  than  such 
as  are  absolutely  and  evidently  necessary  ;  and  no  one  ought 
to  be  punished  but  in  virtue  of  a  law  promulgated  before  the 
offence,  and  legally  applied. 

9.  Every  man  being  presumed  innocent  until  he  has  been 
convicted,  whenever  his  detention  becomes  indispensable,  all 
rigour  to  him,  more  than  is  necessary  to  secure  his  person, 
ought  to  be  provided  against  by  the  law. 

10.  No  man  ought  to  be  molested  on  account  of  his  opin- 
ions, not  even  on  account  of  his  religious  opinions,  provided  his 
avowal  of  them  does  not  disturb  the  public  order  csiablished  by 
the  law. 


ir. 


The  unrestrained  communication  of  thoughts  and  opin- 
ions being  one  of  the  most  precious  rights  of  man,  every  citizen 
may  speak,  write,  and  publish  freely,  provided  he  is  responsib'  t 
for  the  abuse  of  this  liberty  in  cases  determined  by  the  law. 

12.  A  public  force  being  necessary  vo  give  security  to  the 
righte  of  men  and  citizens,  that  force  is  instituted  for  the  benefit 


)e  entitled  to  any 
It. 

af  doing  whatever 
natural  rights  of 
h  are  necessary  to 
■  the  same  rights  ; 
;  law. 

hurtful  to  society, 
be  hinde'-p'^. ;  nor 
the  law  does  not 

if  the  community. 
;onally  or  by  their 
)e  the  same  to  all, 

equal  in  its  sight, 
nd  employments, 
any  other  distinc- 
nts. 

,  or  held  in  con- 
iw,  and  according 
0  promote,  solicit, 
rders,  ought  to  be 

apprehended  by 
and  he  renders 

lalties  than  such 
nd  no  one  ought 
gated  before  the 

ntil  he  has  been 
ndispensable,  all 
jcure  his  person, 

3unt  of  his  opin- 
ons,  provided  his 
er  established  by 

oughts  and  opin- 
lan,  every  citizen 
he  is  responsib'  - 
d  by  the  law, 
'6  security  to  the 
;d  for  the  benefit 


i-  i^i-i 


i 


1 


